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16 The Phaedo

No scene that presents itself to the imagination excites greater pathos than that of Socrates sitting on his prison couch and cheerfully drinking his cup of poison. Long after the reader has forgotten the wandering maze of arguments in Plato’s Phaedo, he carries fixed in his mind the heroism of Socrates during his last day, his persistence in pursuing difficult arguments, and the nobility with which he meets his death. And Plato has achieved his aim, for the dialogue is not about the immortality of the soul—indeed, the arguments, as generally recognized, are unsuccessful—no, the dialogue is about the heroic death of Socrates and the proposition that only the philosopher—as epitomized in the person of Socrates—can meet death heroically.[1] For only the philosopher knows that he cannot know about the afterlife and the soul, and he is thus the only one who can die courageously.

The Phaedo shows, perhaps more clearly than any other dialogue, how philosophy may be subordinated to drama in Plato.[2] Indeed, unless one understands the arguments, and sees their weakness, he will not understand the drama of the dialogue except superficially; and it is towards the drama of Socrates’ death that everything in the dialogue points.[3] But seeing the weakness of the arguments is important only if one asks and then understands why the arguments are weak, and why their weakness is essential if Socrates is to behave heroically, and why, moreover, he is most heroic when his arguments are weakest.

Some of the master’s arguments are refuted by the interlocutors, some by the dramatic situation.[4] Socrates’ initial statement was two­ fold: that the philosopher welcomes death (61C) and that we ought not to commit suicide because we are the property of the gods (62B). Cebes correctly perceives that if the second part of Socrates’ statement is true, then the first cannot be: a wise man would not be glad to leave masters so good and wise as the gods. Socrates’ first argument on the immortality of the soul, the principle of generation from opposites, is equivocal and faulty right at the beginning, as Socrates shifts from all things that are born (70D) to things that have an opposite (70E)­ surely a great reduction from many things to just a few.[5] This argument is not refuted by the interlocutors, but Cebes brings an abrupt end to the discussion and urges Socrates to move on to another proof-that based on the theory of recollection.[6] This theory is not refuted by any dialectical exchange; it is, however, effectively refuted by the dramatic elements of the dialogue: joke after joke reminds us that nobody can, even after it is explained, recall the doctrine of recollection.[7] First Simmias begs to have it told to him (73A); later, after Socrates has explained the entire theory again, Simmias laments that when Socrates is dead, on the next day, nobody will be left who can explain the theory. In other words, it will have been forgotten (78A). The theory is, in addition, inadequate because, as Simmias observes (77A-B), even if it were valid, it would explain the existence of the soul only before birth, not after death.[8] Socrates’ third argument maintains that the soul lives free of the body in the realm of ideas and cannot be destroyed with the body because of its aloofness from things physical (and the death of the physical cannot be at the same time the death of the non­physical). The argument depends on the soul’s having little or no communion with the body (80D) even during life. But Socrates himself does not seem convinced by his own argument, for if the soul were not connected to the body in some way, why should the body be a prison to it?[9] And he seems to deny the non-physical nature of the soul as he draws his argument to a close. He says, “Because each pleasure and pain like a nail nails the soul to the body and affixes it and makes it bodily …” (83D). If a pleasure and pain can affect the soul, why not death? That Socrates’ principal interlocutors are dissatisfied with the arguments—as they should be—is made abundantly clear when Simmias and Cebes, whispering to one another, are interrupted by Socrates, who says (84C): “Indeed, there are a good many doubts and objections, if one cares to go through the argument with adequate thoroughness.” Simmias, thus prodded, agrees (85D): “You see, Soc­rates, when I reflect on what has been said by me and Cebes here, it does not appear quite adequate.”

Socrates, after several important speeches to be considered shortly, takes up Simmias’ s argument that the soul is an attunement and Cebes’s argument that the soul, like the last overcoat of a tailor, may outlive its wearer. Socrates’ refutation of Simmias depends on earlier arguments, for the refutation rests on the soul’s existence before the body’s; that is, the soul cannot be like an attunement because the soul existed before the body, but the attunement did not exist before the harp. But, of course, this argument depends on arguments that were found unsatisfactory by Simmias and Cebes (in the passage referred to above, where Simmias says the previous arguments have been unsat­isfactory).[10] If the previous arguments, which sought to prove that the soul existed before the body, were inadequate, then this refutation, which depends on those earlier arguments, must be similarly inade­quate. Socrates’ refutation of Cebes’s argument depends on the prop­osition that souls, which by definition contain life, cannot receive the opposite of life and remain souls: they must withdraw before death and fly elsewhere.[11] Socrates draws an analogy to snow: when snow receives fire it will not remain snow, but it will either retreat or be destroyed. Snow is, however, destroyed by fire and does not, even if it is made into a snowman, get up on its legs and run away. The argument is seductive, but is rather silly when studied carefully.[12] And though Socrates’ interlocutors seem to agree, they do admit to doubts.[13] Simmias, at the end of the dialogue’s dialectical portions, when Soc­ rates has completed his “refutation” of Cebes, says (107A-B):

I myself do not find anything to disbelieve in what has been said. But the arguments are about a great subject, and I do distrust human frailty, and I am still compelled to feel doubt in my own mind about what we have said. [my italics]

After approving of Simmias’s skepticism, Socrates launches into his myth on the habitations of the soul after death and the description of the earth. As various commentators on Plato have observed, Socrates tells a myth when the arguments have gone about as far as they can; where logical reasoning and certainty end, speculation in the form of myth begins.[14]

Elsewhere, when Socrates discusses the nature of the soul, he also brings in myth, and the very act of telling the myth seems to be for him an admission that scientific knowledge is impossible. Hence it is necessary to give a similitude, a metaphorical and speculative account of the nature of the unknowable. In the Phaedrus, when Socrates is delivering his “serious” speech on the nature of love, he says concerning the soul:

What the nature of the soul is would be a long tale to tell, and most assuredly only a god alone could tell it, but what it resembles, that a man might tell in briefer compass (246A).

A bit later he extends our imprecision to the “immortal”: ‘immortal’ is a term applied on the basis of no reasoned argument at all, but our fancy pictures the god whom we have never seen, nor fully conceived, as an immortal living being” (246C, Tr. R. Hackforth). Or, as Timaeus explains to Socrates when he is about to tell his myth concerning the generation of the gods and the cosmos (Timaeus 29C-D):

If then, Socrates, amidst the many opinions about the gods [the immortal] and the generation of the universe, we are not able to give notions which are altogether and in every respect exact and consistent with one another, do not be surprised. Enough if we adduce probabilities as likely as any others, for we must remember that I who am the speaker and you who are the judges are only mortal men, and we would do well to accept the tale which is probable and inquire no further. (Tr. B. Jowett)

For Plato and Socrates, then, the realm of the divine was not absolutely knowable by mortal men. The soul’s immortality, which caused it to be most like the divine (Phaedo SOB), also prevented it from being understood by human reason (logos).[15] Socrates’ very making of a myth, then, shows that he himself does not believe the soul’s immortality a matter that can be proven. This is not to say, of course, that the myth has no value. As Friedlander and others have argued, the real value of the myth lies in moving the soul towards virtue by a means that bypasses discursive reasoning and affects the soul directly, a means we may call, in a non-Platonic context, “inspiration.”[16] And this is clearly a chief purpose of the myth here, as Socrates discusses in the context of the soul’s future habitations the need to make sure that the soul is pure and virtuous in this world (107ff.).

Thus the arguments, by their failure, and the myths, by their very presence, point to the impossibility—at least in our mortal state—of knowing about the afterlife. Indeed, time after time, repeated through the dialogue, is the insistence that we cannot know for sure. Thus Socrates begins the dialogue (63B-C):

I will try to be more persuasive to you than I was to my judges. If I did not believe, Simmias and Cebes, that I should pass over first to other gods, both wise and good … I should be wrong not objecting to death; but know well that I hope I shall enter the company of good men, even though I would not affirm it confidently; but that I shall come to gods who are very good masters, know well that if I would affirm confidently anything else, I would affirm this.

Later (85C), Simmias, voicing his objections to some of Socrates’ arguments, says:

For it seems to me, as perhaps also to you, Socrates, that to know clearly about such matters in this present life is impossible, or at least extremely difficult.

And at the end of the dialogue, when Socrates has described his vision of the afterlife, he concludes (114D):

It is not fitting for a sensible man to affirm confidently that such things are just as I have described; but that this or something of this sort is what happens to our souls and their abodes, and since the soul is clearly immortal, that this is so seems proper and worth the risk of believing; for the risk is noble.

The dialectic on the immortality of the soul confirms these statements that absolute knowledge about such matters is impossible. If the arguments prove anything, it is this. But not all men, of course, know that absolute knowledge about such matters is impossible. Indeed, some believe certain legends (70C) that there is an afterlife, just as others believe (70A) that when a man dies the soul leaves the body and goes out like a breath or whiff of smoke; the many, however, do not understand and do not think about these matters. That is why, says Socrates (64B), the many do not understand the sense in which the philosopher wants to die. The many think they know whether there is or is not an afterlife. But—at least if he has been through the conversation of the Phaedothe philosopher knows that he does not know about the future condition of his soul. It is for this reason—that the philosopher alone knows that he does not know the future condition of his soul—that the philosopher is the only one who can die courageously.[17] An earlier dialogue, the Laches, had grappled with the question of courage. That dialogue appeared to be aporetic, for there courage was shown to be a kind of knowledge, like the other virtues.[18] But if courage were knowledge of the outcome, what bravery would be involved in the action? For example, if a fully armed army were going against one armed only with toothpicks, the powerful army would have knowledge that it would be victorious: no courage would therefore be involved; and the weak army would have knowledge it was going to lose; it would therefore be rash, not courageous, in joining battle. But the Laches did contain the clue to courage: it is knowledge of your ignorance of the outcome, with a willingness to persevere. Only the man who knows that he does not know the outcome will go into battle courageously; and the philosopher will be the most courageous of men-for he, like Socrates, is most aware that he does not know the outcome.

Here lies, I think, the true meaning of the weak nature of the arguments in the Phaedo. The dialogue is not about the immortality of the soul; it is about the death of Socrates. It is about the very things Echecrates inquired of Phaedo (57A): “What was it the man said before his death? And how did he die?” The dialogue is about the courageous way in which Socrates died; if one does not see how and why the arguments fail to provide certain knowledge of the soul, one cannot see the courage in facing death and Socrates’ heroism.

Socrates’ courage is brilliant. When Cebes objects to his arguments concerning suicide, Socrates is pleased (63A). And yet why should Socrates be pleased? Socrates’ argument that suicide is wrong rested on the assumption that we have good masters here on earth and that we should not violate their proprietary rights by killing ourselves, who are their property; but if our masters are so good, Cebes has asked, why should the philosopher be glad to leave them? It was necessary for Socrates’ argument to be sound so that Socrates could face death with confidence: Socrates should not therefore be pleased that his argument was defeated. Yet he is pleased, and his pleasure is heroic: it places in jeopardy his equanimity, but the promise of an argument holds the prize of truth before him.

Crito warns Socrates that if he talks, he may have to take extra doses of poison. Socrates is impatient with such matters, and disdaining Crito’s concern declares (63E): “Oh, let the jailer be; let him do his job and be ready to give me two portions, even three.” After the arguments on recollection, Socrates consoles his friends: yes, there will surely be someone in Hellas, large as it is, who will help them overcome their fear of death (78A).

But nowhere is Socrates more heroic than in the great central portion of the dialogue, when Simmias and Cebes express their penetrating objections to his theories. First, he must force them to express their objections. Socrates is himself aware that the argument may be weak (84C): “Indeed, there are a good many doubts and objections, if one cares to go through the argument with adequate thoroughness.” Sim­mias affirms that he and Cebes are unsure of the arguments but are reluctant to trouble Socrates in case he is distressed by the approach­ing execution. As before, when Cebes objected to this theory on suicide, Socrates displays good humor. Socrates laughs and launches into his famous comparison of himself and a swan, the bird sacred to Apollo (84E-85B). Again, as in virtually all the dialogues, Socrates distinguishes himself from the many, who do not understand; in this case what they do not understand is the nature of the swan’s song. Socrates’ position is dangerous by any standards: he is urging his interlocutors to come forward with the strongest possible objections to his arguments. The greatest possible courage will be necessary to confront them.

At this point (88C), the outer dialogue, the framing narrative, inter­rupts as Phaedo tells Echecrates that those present, while they had been convinced by earlier arguments, were now beginning to doubt the whole business. Echecrates asks Phaedo many questions both about the discussion and Socrates’ demeanor. Phaedo answers that Socrates was never more wondrous than then. Philosophy, we remember from the Theaetetus, begins in wonder; and surely philosophy is provoked by the wondrous majesty of Socrates on the day of his execution. Phaedo compares Socrates to Heracles with the advantage going to Socrates, for Socrates will have to contest alone with two opponents—Simmias and Cebes—while Heracles had the aid of lolaus in fighting the Hydra (89C). Socrates, with ironic modesty, jokes that he is merely lolaus, but Phaedo corrects him. The comparison to the mightiest Greek hero-with Socrates clearly named as the superior (for he will fight single-handedly with two where Heracles fought with only one)—shows that the others present also recognize that Socrates is a hero.

No part of the dialogue shows Socrates more a teacher of philo­sophic courage than the speech he launches into on “misology”—the hating of argument (logos) (89Dff.). Repeated dead-ends in argument may lead, Socrates warns, to a hating of arguments in general; but a philosopher must stick to his post. The difficulty in avoiding misology comes from having to engage in arguments to gain the truth, but until the truth is gained the outcome is uncertain: one cannot know the end of the argument-whether it will be a dead-end or a live birth of an idea-until the argument is over. But if, because of difficulties, the philosopher does persist in the argument but comes to hate logos, he will certainly never get at the truth. To persist in the argument requires courage: courage, the knowledge that he does not know the outcome, and the persistence to endure. The passage on misology is, really, more important than the arguments on immortality insofar as it presents the doctrine of philosophical courage while the arguments merely show that courage in force. Socrates is himself providing the model of argument, for he is a lover of logos; and despite the aporetic nature of his arguments, he dies sticking to his philosophic post, pursuing the truth to the end.[19] And later, when he has taken up Cebes’s argument, Socrates will heroically exclaim: “Let us go attack like Homeric heroes, and see what strength there is in what you say” (95B).

The arguments over, Socrates, nobly risking belief in the happy futurity of his soul, cheerfully drinks the hemlock, and in that simple action does his civic duty with the same courage we observed in argument. How can Socrates face death with such calm, indeed with such cheer? Why should knowing his ignorance enable him to be so serene? Socrates’ knowledge of his ignorance is what has given him philosophic life. Ever since Chaerephon told him of the Delphic oracle that there was no man wiser than he (Apology 21A), Socrates’ mission has been to test the truth of the pronouncement. His life has been spent going from one person who believed himself wise to another and demonstrating to each that though he thought he was wise he was not really so. Socrates found that he was wiser than the others, for he alone knew that he did not know. Politicians claimed to know about statecraft but did not really know; poets claimed to know about poetry but did not understand their own poems. But Socrates at least knew that he did not know-here lay his superior wisdom (Apology 21B- 23B). In this sense he is true to his life’s mission even here in the Phaedo. He has spoken with students of philosophy, with followers of Pythagoras (Simmias and Cebes), and we must not forget that it was the Pythagoreans who claimed to know about the immortality of the soul. And again he has done as always: he has shown those who might presume to know that they did not know. Socrates, knowing that he is to die, perhaps believes that he will soon find the wisdom that he has been seeking, if it is to be found. For this wisdom is surely not to be found in mortal life. The truth about the immortality of the soul cannot be discovered by argument; it must be discovered experientially. His eagerness to learn and the possibility of learning the truth account for his cheer.

Moreover, Socratic ignorance is not, of course, absolute ignorance. It is ignorance mingled with knowledge. The man courageous in battle perseveres despite knowing that he is ignorant of the outcome­ whether he will win or lose. But in another sense, he knows the alternatives and faces them nevertheless. Either he will be victorious or he will die honorably—alternatives both noble. Socrates, as he has said in the Apology (40C-D), also knows the alternatives: either he will enjoy a dreamless sleep or he will go to that happy realm to which his virtue and philosophy have entitled him. He knows the alternatives and he knows his ignorance, an ignorance he had mentioned with great clarity in the Apology (29A-B):

For let me tell you, gentlemen, that to be afraid of death is only another form of thinking that one is wise when one is not; it is to think that one knows what one does not know. No one knows with regard to death whether it is not really the greatest blessing that can happen to a man, but people dread it as though they were certain that it is the greatest evil, and this ignorance, which thinks that it knows what it does not, must surely be ignorance most culpable. This I take it, gentlemen, is the degree, and this is the nature of my advantage over the rest of mankind, and if I were to claim to be wiser than my neighbor in any respect, it would be in this—that not possessing any real knowledge of what comes after death, I am also conscious that I do not possess it. (Tr. Hugh Tredennick)

At the end of the dialogue, Socrates’ friends weep at his fate. Perhaps, had they been convinced by the arguments for the immortality of the soul, they would bear calmly the master’s death. Their weeping seems to be a dramatic corroboration of their lack of conviction that the arguments of the present conversation, at least, have been airtight. It may be suggested, however, that there remains a possibility at a later time to find such a proof. Such a possibility would not affect the drama of the moment: Socrates has done his very best, but as so often in his life, the truth has eluded him and again he has discovered that he does not know. Have the interlocutors learned that they cannot know about the soul’s immortality? Simmias had spoken earlier (85C) about the impossibility or at least extreme difficulty of such knowledge. Perhaps here at the end the weeping of Socrates’ friends is an acknowledgment that without Socrates they may not be able to escape perplexity (aporia) on this matter; or perhaps it suggests that they are not up to Socrates’ high standards, that despite their wish to please the master, their courage is not so great as his. This weakness was alluded to earlier, when Cebes admitted that there was in him “a little boy who has a childish” fear of death (77E) in need of a Socratic charm to purge the fear. Perhaps only the master has so developed the man in his soul as to possess the courage necessary to face the uncertainty in death.

The friends’ lack of composure in the face of Socrates’ calm perhaps shows that Socrates is the only true philosopher and shows too how lonely a condition that is.

In the Crito Socrates had told of his dream in which a woman came to him and said that on the third day he would be home in Phthia (44B). The line, from Book Nine of the Iliad (1.363), was originally spoken by Achilles to the embassy, when Achilles declared to Odysseus that he was leaving Troy the next day and would arrive home on the third.[20] That line could not help but contrast the situation of the two men. Achilles had voluntarily left battle; his departure for home would leave the Greeks in a state of perplexity concerning the conduct of the war; indeed, his prayer would be fulfilled and there would be nothing between the Greeks and destruction. Socrates, though condemned by his own people, did not flee Athens; but his departure from life would similarly leave his people in great perplexity. The failure to come to a conclusion in the dialogue made that perplexity, that aporia, all the more apparent. When Socrates left his prison house of Athens, the city’s soul was departing, leaving for its eternal home.

Source Note

This is a revised version of an article that appeared in Illinois Classical Studies II (1986): 129-41. It appears here with the kind permission of the journal.


  1. Cf. Paul Friedlander (Plato, vol. 1, 122), who says that all the Platonic dialogues are ultimately encomia to Socrates. Nietzsche too saw the figure of Socrates as charismatic or inspirational. As H.-G. Gadamer (Dialogue and Dialectic: Eight Hermeneutical Studies on Plato, translated by P. C. Smith [New Haven and London 1980), 22) writes: "As Nietzsche has so aptly put it, this figure of the dying Socrates became the new ideal to which the noblest of the Greek youth now dedicated themselves instead of to that older heroic ideal, Achilles. Thus the Phaedo's poetic power to convince is stronger than its logical power to prove."
  2. In the case of the Phaedo, some, while admitting the brilliance of the drama, do not admit its primacy. A. E. Taylor, for example (Plato: The Man and His Work, 174), says the dialogue shows Plato's dramatic art "at its ripe perfection," but thinks the dialogue is about "the divinity of the human soul, and 'imitation of God' as the right and reasonable mode of conduct" (177). J.E. Raven (Plato's Thought in the Making [Cambridge 1965), 79) praises the drama in passing, but says that the dialogue "is concerned as a whole ... with the immortality of the soul."  Among those who deal most with the dramatic qualities of the Phaedo are Dorter ("The Dramatic Aspect of Plato's Phaedo" Dialogue 9 [1970]: 564- 80, and Plato's Phaedo: An Interpretation [Toronto and London 1982]) and Gadamer (Dialogue and Dialectic). Dorter points out, in the manner of the followers of Strauss, a number of significant details (e.g., that fourteen men were on Theseus's ship and fourteen at Socrates' execution); but while he discusses the details with insight, he does not seem to have a sense of the dramatic purpose of the whole. He argues that Socrates' purpose is to convince his audience not to fear death (574). But quite inconsistently, he concludes that the lesson of the dialogue is that "if we wish to attain an immortality more meaningful and personal than the objective immortality in which all temporal things share equally, we must win it through a philosophical attempt to apprehend and assimilate ourselves to the immutable ground of what is." Dorter is also quite good at showing why some of the arguments are specious, but he fails to ask the fundamental question: why does Plato allow Socrates to use obviously specious arguments? Gadamer, having brilliantly shown that the arguments are invalid, argues (36-37) that the point of the dialogue is that science, even the advanced science of Plato's day, cannot answer the impor­tant questions about human life and our understanding of it. We must, he says, "think beyond the surrounding world given to us in sense experience and beyond our finite existence." The growing scientific insight of Plato's time "does not obviate the need for thinking beyond the reality of the world, and it has no authority to contest religious convictions." Certainly Gadamer is right, that the dialogue shows us that even the best scientists, that is, the Pythago­reans, cannot prove the immortality of the soul. But this is subordinate to the dramatic point: that for Socrates to be courageous, he must be aware that he does not know about the immortality of the soul; indeed, one of the reasons for the true philosopher's courage is that he knows the limits of his knowledge; he alone knows what he knows and does not know. R. Burger (The Phaedo: A Platonic Labyrinth [New Haven and London 1984]), also in the manner of a Straussian, points out numerous details, especially about facial expressions and gestures; she also finds fault with the arguments, finding the dialogue aporetic on the immortality of the soul. The immortality that counts, she argues, is the immortality of the argument. I do not see this positive teaching emerging from the dialogue.
  3. The dramatic purpose of the dialogue is therefore to inspire by a means other than discursive reasoning. To be sure, one must see the faults in the arguments to be so moved. As Jaeger (Paideia, vol. 2, 36) put it: "We feel Socrates' intellectual power by dramatically showing its more than intellectual effect on men," and again (90), "Plato had often felt Socrates' power to guide men's souls. He must have known that as an author his own greatest and hardest task in recreating Socrates' teaching was to make his readers feel the same influence he had once felt himself." Aristotle had, of course, recognized the literary and mimetic quality of the dialogues, so much so that he had called them poetry (Poetics 1447bll). Cf. J. Stenzel, Plato's Method of Dialectic, translated by D. J. Allan (Oxford 1940), 2. Indeed, Longinus (On the Sublime 13), maintains that Plato competed with Homer in poetic mimesis—surely for an effect that was emotional.
  4. I shall present in this chapter the merest outline of the arguments, just enough to show where the arguments fail. That the arguments are unsound has been noted by most scholars (see below), despite a few ingenious attempts to rescue them (on these also see below). Here I wish merely to enable the reader to recollect the arguments and their failings. What I wish to do here is show why the arguments must be weak for the dialogue to achieve its dramatic purpose, and why their intentional weakness is the dialogue's beauty and strength. Of course, that the arguments must be weak is also one of the points of the dialogue, for it is not possible in this life to form absolute proofs for the immortality of the soul. The proofs are objected to generally by Friedlander (Plato, vol. 3, 36), who observes that they do not reach their goal; by A. E. Taylor (Plato: The Man and His Work, 103), who says: "In point of fact, the first two proofs are found to break down and the third, as Burnet observes, is said by Socrates (107B6) to need clear explanation. Thus it is plain that Plato did not mean to present the arguments as absolutely probative to his own mind." Raven acknowledges the difficulties though he will not discuss them (103). J. H. Randall, Jr. (Plato: Dramatist of the Life of Reason [New York 1970], 215) declares: "The arguments are not to be taken literally: they are all myths and parables." N. Gulley (Plato's Theory of Knowledge [London 1962]) discusses difficulties with the arguments (32-33) and various inconsistencies (47). Hackforth (Plato's Phaedo [New York 1955], 19), Klein (Commentary, 26, 108, 126), and J. B. Skemp (The Theory of Motion in Plato's Later Dialogues [Cambridge 1942], 7) all point out that Socrates hints at the inadequacy of his own proofs. Gadamer (Dialogue and Dialectic, 22) sums it up well: ''The proofs of the immortality of the soul which follow one another in this discussion all have something deeply dissatisfying about them…  The arguments themselves are unconvincing, however much the human presence of Socrates is convincing." Guthrie, however, thinks Plato believes both that the soul is immortal and that its immortality can be proved dialectically (History, vol. 4, 307).
  5. The argument equivocates by failing to distinguish properly between absolute and relative terms (cf. Friedlander, Plato, vol. 3, 45).
  6. Objecting to the theory of recollection (anamnesis) is virtually a cottage industry among Plato scholars. On difficulties with the argument here see K. W. Mills's two articles, "Plato's Phaedo 74b7-c6," Phronesis 2 (1957): 128- 147 and 3 (1958): 40-58; J. M. Rist, "Equals and Intermediates in Plato," Phronesis 9 (1964): 27-37; D. Tarrant, "Plato, Phaedo 74a-b," Journal of Hellenic Studies 77 (1957): 125; K. Dorter, "Equality, Recollection, and Purification," Phronesis 17 (1972): 198-218; and Gadamer, Dialogue and Dialectic, 26ff. The account of recollection is, according to these scholars, incomplete and inadequate, and even Tarrant's variant reading won't save it. For a summary of the inconsistencies and a citation of more literature, see R.J. Ketchum, "Knowledge and Recollection in the Phaedo: An Interpretation of 74a-75b," Journal of the History of Philosophy 17 (1979): 243. For a recent interpretation, see M. L. Morgan, "Sense-Perception and Recollection in the Phaedo," Phronesis 29 (1984): 237-51.
  7. On a similar joke on memory, see Meno 71C and the discussion of the joke in W. S. Cobb, Jr., "Anamnesis: Platonic Doctrine or Sophistic Absurd­ity?" Dialogue 12 (1973): 604-28.
  8. And, of course, the theory of recollection is mired in the problem of infinite regress (i.e., whence the original knowledge?). See Cobb, "Anamnesis," esp. 619-21.
  9. See Burnet, Plato's Euthyphro; Taylor, Plato: The Man and His Work, 184ff. See also T. M. Robinson, Plato's Psychology (Toronto and Buffalo 1970), 21-22; also Gadamer, Dialogue and Dialectic, 27-29.
  10. For a severe criticism of the arguments on attunement, with a lucid explication of its illogicality, see W. F. Hicken, "Phaedo 92all-944b33," Classical Quarterly 48 (1954): 16-22.
  11. The fallacies are subtle but have not escaped the commentators. For a very good discussion of how at the beginning of the argument άθάνατος is the opposite of θάνατος, but at the end is the opposite of θνητός, see D. Keyt, "The Fallacies in the Phaedo 102a-107b," Phronesis 8 (1963): l70ff. This view is also that of T. L. Landmann (Tendenz und Gedankengang des platonischen Dialogs 'Phaedo,' [Konigsberg in Preussen 1871], 8) and of G. Schneider (Die Weltanschauung Platas dargestellt im Anschlusse an den Dialog Phaedon [Berlin 1898], 106-08). T. M. Robinson (Plato's Psychology, 27-29), having discussed the difficulties, concludes that "one interpretation introduces as many anomalies as it is meant to solve." D. O'Brien, in two long articles ("The Last Argument of Plato's Phaedo, I and II," Classical Quarterly 17 [1967]: 198-231 and 18 [1968]: 95-106), while finding fault with the argument sees some use in it for the historian of philosophy, since he says it anticipates Anselm's ontological argument for the existence of God. See also Hackforth (Plato's Phaedo, 164), who says that "from the standpoint of logic, the argument has petered out into futility"; I. M. Crombie (Examination, vol. 2, 169), who calls the argument "a nest of confusions" and says the conclusion follows "if we do not look too closely" (164); and J. B. Skemp (Theory of Motion, 8), who describes the final proof as a "blatant petitio principii"; also Gadamer (Dialogue and Dialectic, 34-36).
  12. The argument, however, is not without some defenders. D. Frede ("The Final Proof of the Immortality of the Soul in Plato's Phaedo 102a-107a" Phronesis 23 [1978]: 27-41) thinks that Socrates is certain about the last argument. But G. Vlastos ("Reasons and Causes in the Phaedo," in Modern Studies in Philosophy: Plato, vol. 1, Metaphysics and Epistemology. A Collec­tion of Critical Essays [Garden City 1971]), while defending what he sees to be the most important argument (that which takes place in 95E-105E), admits that it is not "entirely clear or wholly true" (133).
  13. Cf. Gadamer, Dialogue and Dialectic, 36: "As convincing as the discus­sion might have been, the conclusion is drawn that the proofs are not sufficient and that one must continue to test their premises insofar as is humanly possible. Evidently in questions of this sort one cannot expect greater certainty." See also Stenzel, Plato's Method, 8.
  14. Cf., for example, Friedlander, Plato, vol. 1, 189-90; J. A. Stewart, The Myths of Plato (London and New York, 1905), 24-102 passim; S. Rosen, Symposium of Plato, 207-11; W. Jaeger, Paideia, vol. 2, 151-52. See especially Smith, "Plato's Myths as 'Likely Accounts,' Worthy of Belief," Apeiron 19 (1985): 24-42.
  15. On the equivalence of immortality and divinity, see W.K.C. Guthrie, History, vol. 4, 330. Cf. Rosen (Symposium of Plato, 209): "The Phaedrus, Phaedo, and Timaeus all teach us that it is impossible to grasp the immortal and divine by means of logos."
  16. Inspiration may be the way art in general functions: it does not work by shaping the reason in men but works instead by a direct grasp on the soul. Thus poets, seers, and prophets operate by inspiration and deliver their messages without knowing what they mean (Apology 22C). Statesmen too, because of the absence of teachers, cannot have been taught virtue and must have received it by a divine inspiration (Meno 99D). Cf. also Laws 682A, 719C. And as Friedlander observes (Plato, vol. 1, 190), Socrates in the Phaedo, Gorgias, and Republic often speaks of the purpose of myths as inspiration to virtuous conduct.
  17. Socrates says too (Phaedo 68C) that only the philosopher is courageous in the right way.
  18. In the Laches it is suggested that courage is an endurance of the soul; the dialogue seemed aporetic because it seemed that courage could be neither knowledge nor ignorance. My suggestion is in keeping with Socrates' position throughout the dialogues: knowledge of ignorance is a kind of knowledge; courage is a special kind of ignorance-ignorance of the outcome; it is also an endurance of the soul in seeking the outcome.
  19. This courage was characteristic of Socrates in his youth, too. The exercise of this youthful courage is the focus of the autobiographical passage: when Socrates saw the difficulties in the positions of the various philosophers and especially of Anaxagoras, whose positions were the most promising, far from becoming a misologue, Socrates began his independent search for wis­ dom. In a similarly heroic passage, Socrates says in the Meno (86B) that it is far more courageous to find out what is not known than to say that since it is impossible to learn the truth there is no need to try.
  20. T. Payne ("The Crito as a Mythological Mime," Interpretation 11 [1983]: 1-23) uses the quotation as the starting off point for an account of Crito's mission as a philosophical imitation of the embassy. He draws, I think rightly, the conclusion that Socrates is to be compared favorably with Achilles in terms of courage. He aptly refers to Socrates' comparisons of himself to Achilles in the Apology (37C).