Part VI

The Modern College
1945–1985

3

“Ploughing a Straight Furrow”
A Small University
1960–1971

After the dissolution of the Colleges of William and Mary and the relegation of Alvin D. Chandler to the post of honorary chancellor, Davis Y. Paschall was able to exercise the full powers of the presidency, and once more William and Mary took on new directions and purposes. John E. Pomfret had focused on developing a small, first-rate liberal arts college, and Chandler had tried to provide diversified educational opportunities in Tidewater Virginia through a multicampus system. With Paschall would come an entire new campus and the beginning of the transformation of the College into a small university.

Expansion of a Different Sort

Paschall had come to the presidency after a long, distinguished career in public education. Born on October 2, 1911, in a log cabin in Townsville, North Carolina, he grew up on a tobacco farm in Lunenburg County in Southside Virginia. After attending public schools, Paschall earned a bachelor of arts in history at William and Mary in 1932 and a master of arts there five years later. He was principal of the high school in Victoria, Virginia, from 1934 to 1943, then served in the United States Naval Reserve during World War II.

After the war, Paschall held various positions with the Virginia Department of Education and simultaneously earned a doctor of Education degree from the University of Virginia in 1954. Three years later he became state superintendent of public instruction and was instrumental in upgrading Virginia’s public schools and in initiating the peaceful racial integration of the system during the era of massive resistance. As state superintendent, he was an ex officio member of the boards of visitors of all state colleges and universities, including William and Mary.[1] Paschall’s professional qualifications, his demonstrated ability to work with William and Mary’s Board of Visitors, his friendship with leading state politicians and officials, and his genial personality seemed the perfect palliatives to the stressful Chandler years.[2]

When he first became president, Paschall presented no overt plans to change William and Mary’s direction. He had no new programs to suggest, he told the faculty, and only wished to make the present program more effective.[3] At his inauguration on October 13, 1961, he maintained that the College’s age-old mission was to produce “the educated man,” by means of a unique undergraduate liberal arts curriculum and an honors program beginning in the freshman year. As a teaching institution, William and Mary must provide the incentives to attract and keep good teachers. He would lead the College following the maxim he had learned from his father as they worked in the tobacco fields: “Today we shall walk humbly and plough a straight furrow.”[4]

Less than a year later, however, Paschall clearly shifted course toward large-scale academic and physical expansion. After the dissolution of the Colleges of William and Mary on July 1, 1962, he quickly presented the Board of Visitors with his “Blueprint for Progress,” advocating a variety of new undergraduate programs and departments, more master’s programs, and doctoral degrees in colonial history, marine science, and physics. He proposed expanding the summer session, the evening college, and the extension division. He wanted to build a new campus near Phi Beta Kappa Memorial Hall for a growing student body. Private funds, he hoped, would help finance additional buildings as well as Jefferson scholarships and fellowships, an Institute of Public Affairs, a reactivated Marshall-Wythe School of Government and Citizenship, faculty research, and endowed chairs. The College, he said, must provide regional educational services for students and adults through its branch campuses and institutes.[5] During the rest of his administration, Paschall pursued these goals.

But most of the College’s faculty believed that William and Mary should remain primarily a small, residential liberal arts college. This view surfaced strongly in the self-study of 1964, the first such study mandated by the College’s accrediting agency, the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools. Conducted by the faculty and chaired by history professor Harold L. Fowler, the study cautioned against the haphazard proliferation of graduate programs and was lukewarm about Paschall’ s plan for physical expansion.[6] Once again the stage was set for faculty-administration conflict, but Paschall chose other means to avoid direct confrontations and to accomplish his goals.

Keenly aware of the vital importance of attracting and retaining a competent faculty during a decade of a shortage of doctors of philosophy, Paschall worked energetically to improve William and Mary’s low salary scale.[7] With the presidents of other Virginia colleges, he helped raise the old “lock-step” salary scale to assigned national averages of comparably sized state institutions, and a higher scale became effective in 1964, when all faculty salaries averaged $8,622.[8] Soon a “critical scale” raised pay even more for faculty in mathematics and sciences. In 1968 Governor Mills E. Godwin included William and Mary in the university peer group for salary purposes, and a series of raises brought the average pay for all faculty to $14,430 by 1971.[9]

Another financial incentive for superior teachers was the prestigious Chancellor Professorship, begun in 1943. Paschall named law professor Thomas C. Atkeson, classical studies professor J. Ward Jones, Jr., music professor Carl A. Fehr, and English professor and Dean of the College W. Melville Jones to that rank. In 1967 the Endowment Association set up a fund to give an extra $500 a year to eminent scholars on the faculty, who would be called Heritage Fellows; and the Society of the Alumni contributed the same amount for Faculty Alumni fellowships.[10] The Robert Earll McConnell Foundation endowed the annual Thomas Jefferson Award in 1963 to recognize exemplary senior faculty and staff, and law professor Dudley W. Woodbridge was the first recipient. Seven years later the same foundation provided funds for an annual Thomas Jefferson Teaching Award for an outstanding younger faculty member, with an associate professor of philosophy, Thomas K. Heam, Jr., receiving the first such award.[11]

During the 1960s the Board of Visitors steadily increased the funds available for the popular low-interest faculty and staff housing loans, and the Virginia Supplemental Retirement System continued to provide basic benefits for retirees.[12] Another benefit came from a reduction of the standard teaching load from fifteen to twelve hours by 1961. Sabbaticals funded by the College—so necessary for research, study, and recharging tired minds—never became a reality, although private funds allowed limited research leaves.[13]

Faculty research increased dramatically during this more affluent decade. In the summer of 1971, twenty-four faculty members shared $35,000 in College funds for research projects—a marked improvement over the $10,000-a-year average of the 1950s. In a complete reversal from earlier years, the major sources of research funds were the federal government and private foundations. From 1968 to 1973, for example, ninety-nine grants from outside sources totaled $4,345,689 and were awarded to the faculty.[14]

As the pay scale and benefits became more attractive and as the College’s enrollment grew, the number holding faculty status rose from 159 in 1960 to 413 in 1971, including about 13 percent who were women. Those with doctorates or the equivalent averaged 68 percent. The rapid growth of William and Mary’s faculty reflected a national trend in response to escalating demands for higher education. To ease the faculty shortage, the Board rescinded its earlier prohibition against married couples teaching but stipulated that they must be in different departments.[15]

But the faculty had little say in determining the College’s educational policy. Sidestepping the faculty, the Board of Visitors, acting on Paschall’s recommendations, established four new schools, authorized four doctoral programs, and approved several new departments and a number of master’s degree programs. Although the faculty deplored such monumental educational policy changes without its advice and concurrence, the practice continued.[16] Once again, as during the Chandler era, the faculty’s guard was raised concerning infringements on its prerogatives, and its initial good will toward the president faded.

To clarify its own obligations and rights, the faculty revised its bylaws in 1963.[17] Simultaneously, the Faculty Affairs Committee devised the College’s first statement on academic freedom and tenure, modeled after the 1940 joint statement by the Association of American Colleges and the American Association of University Professors (AAUP). William and Mary would guarantee freedom of thought, speech, and writing in and out of the classroom and would accept the principle that an assistant professor with seven years of service could enjoy the privileges of tenure.[18]

The faculty’s next step in defining its status was the Faculty Handbook, long needed as a comprehensive description of policies and procedures. The Handbook appeared in 1965.[19] There was some discussion in the late 1960s about establishing a faculty senate because of the poor attendance at faculty meetings and the creation of new schools with their separate faculties, but such a body did not materialize during the Paschall administration.[20]

The four new schools, in addition to the existing law school, led to more complicated faculty structures. W. Melville Jones served as dean of the faculty until 1964 when he became dean of the College, and history professor Harold L. Fowler replaced Jones as dean of the faculty. A large administrative reorganization in 1968 saw the general faculty renamed the faculty of arts and sciences, while each of the schools had its own faculty. The whole instructional staff became fragmented, with a resulting loss of cohesiveness and purpose.

Although faculty-administration relations were far more amicable than during the Chandler years, a lack of open communication soon developed. In the early years, Paschall presided at faculty meetings, a task he later gladly relinquished to the dean of the faculty. Various administrative reorganizations put more bureaucratic levels between Paschall and the faculty, making the president even more remote.[21] Some faculty thought that Paschall was uncomfortable around them and tried to keep them out of any collegewide decision making; others believed that communication occurred only when there was a crisis.[22] In one unfortunate incident in 1969, Paschall withheld contracts from three faculty members, two involving either a promotion or a revamping of duties and thus explainable. The third was that of an associate professor of philosophy, David H. Jones, who had unofficially counseled students reluctant to enter the Vietnam conflict and who was perceived as a radical. Viewed as intimidation by faculty and students alike, the episode triggered an angry outcry, and the president quickly apologized and presented the contracts.[23]

The faculty’s relationship with the Board of Visitors also remained remote. After the faculty established the precedent of appearing before the Board in May 1960, all faculty communication had to filter through Chandler while he was still chancellor. Aside from a few social contacts, a barrier remained for years. Finally, in 1969, the Board said it wanted better mutual understanding and the faculty concurred. Representatives of both bodies met several times to devise methods of regular communication, and a breakthrough occurred when the Board accepted the faculty’s suggestion that a collegewide search committee select a new president and vice-president when Paschall and Jones retired in 1971. After being shut out of helping to choose the two previous presidents, the faculty would finally have a voice in this important decision.[24]

As the faculty grew in numbers and qualifications, so, too, did the student body. Paralleling national trends, the enrollment increased markedly during the Paschall years, rising from 2,410 in the fall of 1960 to 4,349 in September 1970.[25] Men continued to outnumber women and comprised about 56 percent of the student body. To meet the mounting needs of the state, about 70 percent of the students were Virginia residents.[26] Selectivity became the keyword. Technically, admission required graduation in the upper half of the student’s high school class, a good record, the SAT and Achievement Tests, and recommendations from the secondary school. In reality, by decade’s end, just 15 percent of applicants were actually enrolled, and nearly 70 percent of this select group stood in the top one-tenth of their high school classes. Combined SAT scores totalled 1231, a jump of 161 points since 1961. To encourage outstanding students to apply, the College began an early decision plan in 1964.[27]

Students followed various routes to help offset the ever-mounting costs of a college education. The work-study program, popular since its inception during World War II, provided part-time jobs for about one thousand students, and scholarship resources mushroomed from $262,782 in 1960 to more than $750,000 ten years later.[28] Assistance from the federal government came through the National Defense Student Loan Fund, which rose to nearly $1.5 million during these same years, and through the Higher Education Act of 1965; and student loans from the state were also available.[29]

Reflecting their sound undergraduate education, more and more William and Mary students sought advanced degrees at various law and medical schools and at universities such as North Carolina, Michigan State, Columbia, Yale, Brown, Duke, Harvard, and Georgetown. By 1970 about 44 percent of William and Mary graduates undertook graduate and professional studies.[30] During the decade, the College produced seven Fulbright scholars. The Drapers’ Company Exchange remained popular, and exchange scholarships with the University of Exeter, and then the University of St. Andrews, continued.[31]

Intercollegiate athletics, a lure for some students, had been firmly controlled by Chandler and remained under Paschall’s watchful eye. The Faculty Athletic Committee, which had struggled to assume a meaningful role in overseeing intercollegiate athletics, remained advisory.[32] In 1961 the Board of Visitors adopted still another “new” policy for intercollegiate athletics, which did little but include the rules of the NCAA, as well as those of the Southern Conference, as the regulations the College would follow.[33] In a move to put athletics on a sound financial basis, the Board paid off the indebtedness of $126,000 of the Athletic Association, which then narrowly kept within its expanding budgets.[34] To promote better administration of the athletic program, in 1963 the Board separated the dual position of athletic director and head football coach and named H. Lester Hooker, Jr., as athletic director. Milton L. Drewer, Jr., remained head football coach.[35]

William and Mary’s football team continued to flounder during the early 1960s. Marvin Levy replaced Drewer as head coach in 1964, and the next year he led the Indians to their first winning season in thirteen years. In 1966 the College tied East Carolina for the Southern Conference championship and in 1967 won a stunning upset against Navy. After several disappointing seasons, the Indians played, and lost, in the Tangerine Bowl in December 1970—their first bowl game in twenty-two years.[36] Basketball victories were erratic during the decade.[37] The cross-country team, however, dominated the Southern Conference and won four straight conference titles in the late 1960s.[38]

Under Hooker’s direction, the intercollegiate athletic program expanded in the number of varsity sports and in student participation. Intramurals took on added importance, and the promise of a new field house made athletics more appealing. Simultaneously, the Educational Foundation awarded more scholarships to encourage aspiring young athletes.[39]

But a red flag signaled potential problems. In 1967, after a few football players had assaulted some long-haired students, the Faculty Affairs Committee began a study of the relationship between the football program and the educational goals of the College.[40] After months of investigation, the committee presented a report showing that football players had poorer SAT scores and lower academic accomplishments than other students, took easier courses, had a lower graduation rate, and received preferential treatment through tutorial assistance and early registration. The football program was, therefore, irrelevant and perhaps harmful to the goals and purposes of the College. The faculty endorsed the report and sent it to Paschall for his information.[41]

As the student body grew in size and for the most part, academic ability, the faculty met the needs of the widely diversified college community and reflected the changing academic environment nationwide by executing the first major curriculum revision in thirty-five years.[42] In 1968 a faculty committee began reviewing the undergraduate curriculum and academic calendar and called for a sweeping overhaul of them. Then, the full faculty spent months hammering out a more modern course of study.[43]

Finally, the new curriculum went into effect in September 1971. Gone was the rigid distribution system, replaced by more flexible area and sequence requirements and demonstrations of proficiencies. The new curriculum still stressed a broad liberal arts foundation by requiring courses in two-semester sequences in humanities, social sciences, and mathematics and physical sciences. Four high school credits in a single foreign language or a 600 score on the College Entrance Examination Board’s language achievement test supplanted the old required foreign language courses. Students with combined SAT scores of 1300 were exempt from freshman writing and literature; others had to take a one-semester writing course. Four hours of physical education remained.[44] New departments added more diversity to the College’s offerings, and during the 1960s, the Board of Visitors, at Paschall’s suggestion, established separate departments of geology, theatre and speech, religion, and anthropology.

The honors program, so successful with upperclassmen in their departmental concentrations, continued. A general honors program began in 1965 under R. Carlyle Beyer’ s direction and included about 6 percent of freshmen and sophomores. These outstanding students participated in honors colloquia and honors sections of basic courses each semester. The curriculum of 1971 replaced the colloquia with freshman seminars.[45]

The College and Duke University maintained their cooperative forestry program in which a student, after three years at William and Mary and two years at Duke, could earn a bachelor’s degree from William and Mary and a master of forestry from Duke. Similar combined arrangements for engineering between the College and Columbia University, Johns Hopkins University, and Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute led to bachelor’s degrees from two institutions in the same amonnt of time. Four years at the College followed by two at an engineering school led to a bachelor’s and a master’s degree.[46]

The Trappings of a University

Expansion of graduate study was the primary curricular change of the decade, and in 1964 Robert T. Siegel filled the newly created post of dean of graduate studies. Although most faculty opposed advanced work because they feared that William and Mary would become a third-rate university rather than remain an excellent undergraduate college, Paschall argued convincingly that the College, located in the heart of the Peninsula with its population of 300,000, must recognize and meet the demand for graduate studies.[47] Wanting the College to have its “place in the sun,” he guided the Board of Visitors into authorizing a variety of doctoral and master’s programs.[48]

Soon William and Mary offered the doctor of philosophy in physics (1964), marine science (1964), and history (1967); the doctor of Education (1966); and the juris doctor (1967), which replaced the old bachelor of civil laws degree. Master’s degrees could be earned in eight new fields—mathematics, biology, chemistry, business administration, government, sociology, Special Education, and applied science.[49] So appealing were these graduate opportunities that by the spring of 1971, William and Mary enrolled 419 graduate students and 308 law students.[50] The multitude of graduate offerings and degrees was a strong sign of William and Mary’s transformation into a university.

There were two other programs designed to serve adults on the Peninsula. The extension division grew to 6,065 students taking classes at thirty-four locations—usually schools and military bases—throughout Tidewater Virginia and as far away as Fairfax.[51] Simultaneously, the popular evening college provided part-time, on-campus studies and attracted 929 students in the spring of 1971.[52]

Not only did the curriculum reflect William and Mary’s metamorphosis into a university; the increase in professional schools was another harbinger of change. This move had begun under J. A. C. Chandler, was abolished by John Stewart Bryan and John E. Pomfret, and then revived by Alvin D. Chandler. The trend intensified under Paschall. The Marshall-Wythe School of Law, established in 1953 with Chancellor Professor Dudley W. Woodbridge as dean, grew from 54 students in 1959–60 to 308 by 1970. Joseph Curtis became dean in 1962 and served until 1969, and under his leadership the law school became increasingly significant in legal education and public service in Virginia. The William and Mary Law Review expanded in scope and circulation; the Tidewater Tax Conference attracted more participants; several conference and lecture series started; the school began awarding the Marshall-Wythe Medallion to prominent jurists; and the school sponsored the Exeter program for law students to study at the University of Exeter during the summer.[53]

William and Mary’s second school, marine science, evolved from the College’s joint operation with the Virginia Commission of Fisheries at Gloucester Point. In 1959 the laboratory’s academic program in William and Mary’s biology department became the separate Department of Marine Science. Then, two years later, the Board of Visitors elevated this department to the School of Marine Science, with William J. Hargis, Jr., as dean as well as director of the Fisheries Laboratory. Staff from the laboratory also served as faculty of the school.[54]

The School of Education, conceived of by Chandler as a school for the Colleges of William and Mary system, became a reality in 1961, with Howard K. Holland as dean.[55] For several years it operated as a department at the undergraduate level and as a school at the graduate level, with resulting confusion and uncertainty. In 1966 the Board established the School of Education as a professional school serving only William and Mary, and it offered both undergraduate and graduate programs. Two years later Richard B. Brooks became dean and soon raised the caliber of both students and faculty. Under Brooks, the School of Education gave undergraduate courses necessary for state certification, while the faculty of arts and sciences set degree requirements and provided content courses. Brooks also established several more graduate programs as he guided the College’s largest school, which had 850 students by 1971.[56]

Recognizing the need for added emphasis on business training as Tidewater Virginia attracted more large industries, Paschall and Rector W. Brooks George strongly advocated still another professional school, the School of Business Administration, which began in 1968.[57] Under Dean Charles L. Quittmeyer, the school’s enrollment soon reached 190 undergraduates and over 50 master of business administration candidates.[58] In early 1971 the Board of Visitors authorized the bachelor of business administration degree, which began the next fall.[59] The school continued its Bureau of Business Research, with Leland E. Traywick as director. The bureau issued the monthly Virginia Business Report and the Williamsburg Business Index. The business school also sponsored conferences and seminars for area business leaders. To strengthen the ties between the school and the business community and to generate financial support, in 1970 Quittmeyer organized the School of Business Administration Sponsors, Inc., whose membership included prominent corporate officials.[60]

The fifth school authorized by the Board was not a professional school but an umbrella administrative entity. The School of Continuing Studies, begun in 1968 under Dean Donald J. Herrmann, oversaw the extension division, the evening college, the summer session, and William and Mary’s graduate program at the Virginia Associated Research Center (VARC).[61] Designed to meet more efficiently the needs of industry, the military, and other adults on the Peninsula, the unified school numbered about 11,000 students by 1970.[62]

As the School of Business Administration and the School of Continuing Studies expanded, they strained for autonomous control of their undergraduate, as well as graduate, programs and collided head-on with the faculty of arts and sciences. Fearing that these “trade” schools would erode William and Mary’s high admissions standards, curriculum, and baccalaureate degree requirements, dean of the faculty Harold L. Fowler and all the department heads strongly recommended to the president and the Board of Visitors that the schools revert to departments at the undergraduate level, with their professors part of the general faculty, while remaining autonomous at the graduate level.[63] By the fall of 1971, however, the Board permitted the School of Business Administration to offer a bachelor of business administration degree, with the school fully controlling degree requirements of the third and fourth years.[64]

Not only did schools develop, but the College also established a computer center in 1966 with a mathematics professor, Raymond W. Southworth, as director. The center provided a variety of services for the College and for nine neighboring colleges and state agencies. Used for research, instruction, administrative systems, and programming, the center soon operated around the clock.[65]

Branch colleges, as well as schools, are characteristic of a state university, and William and Mary had two branches at the junior college level. Established as part of the Colleges of William and Mary, both opened in 1961. They remained under Board of Visitors’ control and had Paschall’s firm support after the dissolution of the colleges system the next year.[66]

One branch, Christopher Newport College in Newport News, was instantly popular. Under Director H. Westcott Cunningham, it offered the first two years of liberal arts studies, began evening classes in 1962, and started a summer session two years later. It operated a cooperative program for students at Riverside Hospital’s School of Nursing and gave noncredit courses for nearby National Aeronautics and Space Administration personnel.[67] In 1962 Newport News donated a seventy-five-acre site as Christopher Newport’s permanent campus, and in a construction boom that mirrored that of the parent campus, five buildings quickly sprang up.[68]

As the campus grew, Cunningham generated support and enthusiasm for Christopher Newport and its programs from civic and political leaders, local government, service clubs, and social leaders.[69] Soon a community drive began to escalate the college to a four-year, degree-granting institution, and in the fall of 1966, it started giving a few third year courses.[70] It added the junior year in 1969–70 and the senior year the next session, and the first degrees were awarded in 1971.[71] That same year Christopher Newport received accreditation as a four-year college granting a baccalaureate degree.[72] It had come a long way in only ten years.

Students in the Newport News area had responded eagerly to the proximity of Christopher Newport, and by September 1970 enrollment had climbed to 1,826 full- and part-time students. Not as selective as the parent college, Christopher Newport accepted students with lower class rank and SAT scores. Reflecting a nationwide trend in urban commuter colleges, it drew students who were above the usual college age, and most graduating seniors were at least twenty-four years old.[73] With the college successfully launched, Cunningham, whose title was elevated to president in 1969, resigned in 1970.[74] His successor, James C. Windsor, would guide the school into its second decade of serving the needs of the Peninsula.

William and Mary’s other branch, Richard Bland College, was located near Petersburg. With James M. Carson as director, Richard Bland offered a two-year liberal arts curriculum as well as technical and vocational programs. Rising demand for classes led to Richard Bland’s expansion in 1965 onto an additional 512-acre site just across the highway in Dinwiddie County, and there a new campus began evolving.[75] Less selective than Christopher Newport, Richard Bland followed a virtually open admissions policy and accepted over 90 percent of applicants. Although it did not have a population base such as Tidewater, Richard Bland met a real educational need for the Petersburg-Hopewell-Colonial Heights area and rural Southside, and enrollment grew to 841 in September 1970.[76]

Carson built interest and support for the new college by making its facilities available for community activities, providing adult education courses, sponsoring local musical groups, exchanging faculty with nearby colleges, participating in the Capital Consortium, and cooperating with Virginia State College in an ROTC program.[77] Once again, political and local pressure mounted to develop a two-year college into a four-year, degree-granting institution; and the Board of Visitors began considering such an escalation in 1968 and approved it two years later.[78]

As Carson prepared Richard Bland to offer third year courses in 1971–72, some local high school and Virginia State College students and faculty filed suit in federal court to block the action. The escalation was unnecessary, the plaintiffs argued, because Virginia State College in Petersburg, which was predominately black, already granted undergraduate and graduate degrees. If Richard Bland became a four-year college, it would compete with Virginia State for white students and for state funds. The court rejected William and Mary’s argument that the escalation was but a part of the higher education program launched by the state in 1966 and was not racially motivated.[79] Richard Bland remained a two-year college.

The court was not alone in disapproving Richard Bland’s escalation. The William and Mary faculty had consistently expressed its reservations about both branches and their ties with the mother college. A series of studies and reports during the 1960s emphasized the differences between William and Mary and its branches in clientele, programs, caliber of students, and purposes. Jealously guarding the College’s academic quality, the faculty advocated severing all connections with the branches.[80]

VARC, which later became a third branch campus, filled another function of a university—extensive research—and came as a response to a phenomenal international event. In April 1961 the Soviet Union successfully orbited a man in space, and soon afterward President John F. Kennedy set a goal of landing a man on the moon by 1970. The country’s attention was riveted on space exploration, and NASA decided to establish a sophisticated space research laboratory on the Peninsula. In 1962 the General Assembly authorized William and Mary, the University of Virginia, and Virginia Polytechnic Institute to form VARC, which would operate and manage a NASA-built space radiation effects laboratory (SREL), establish resident graduate programs, and develop research projects.[81] William and Mary had embarked on a cooperative research venture in space-age physics. Building on Chandler’s start in upgrading the physics program, the College swung into high gear to meet the challenge of space research. A new physics building was soon complete; graduate work was raised to doctoral level; and new faculty were added to the physics department.[82]

As the College improved its physics capabilities, NASA put up an instructional building in Newport News for VARC, which began operating in 1965 under William H. McFarlane’s direction.[83] The cooperating colleges offered graduate courses in applied science, business administration, Education, engineering, mathematics, and physics. The next year the Medical College of Virginia became a sponsoring institution. Immediately popular, VARC had 496 nonresidential graduate students enrolled by 1971. VARC also assisted in scientific research in nuclear physics, biophysics, and biomedical and environmental projects.[84]

At the heart of VARC’ s research facility was SREL, completed by NASA in 1965 at a cost of more than $15 million. SREL contained three particle accelerators, including a 600 million-electron volt synchrocyclotron—one of the two largest of this type in the United States. This great machine simulated proton bombardment outside the earth’s atmosphere and soon ran twenty-four hours a day, seven days a week. Scientists from NASA research centers, universities, and private contractors flocked to SREL to run radiation effects experiments on the accelerators and then announced their findings in scholarly articles, papers, and reports.[85]

By 1967 difficulties had developed in the four-institution management of SREL and in determining the overall program at VARC.[86] In a massive reorganization in August, Governor Mills E. Godwin declared VARC a graduate center of William and Mary, which would have sole administration, management, and operation of SREL. Physics professor Robert T. Siegel became director of SREL; McFarlane, the director of instruction at VARC. On September 1 the research center became “VARC—A Graduate Center of the College of William and Mary in Virginia.”[87] The College now administered one of the largest space radiation effects laboratories in the country, and its prestige in scientific circles grew. Two years later Godwin, at Paschall’s request, designated VARC as an integral part of William and Mary’s campus for all programs except engineering, which Old Dominion College would control. The name changed again, to “Virginia Associated Research Campus of the College of William and Mary,” with P. Warren Heemann as director. William and Mary now had three full-fledged branch campuses.[88]

Another cooperative research endeavor, the Virginia Fisheries Laboratory at Gloucester Point, underwent vast changes. In 1962 the General Assembly severed the College’s control and supervision of the laboratory by establishing the Virginia Institute of Marine Science (VIMS)—an independent research agency under its own board of administration.[89] By 1964 both William and Mary and the University of Virginia offered doctoral programs in marine science at VIMS, and the VIMS staff made up the marine science faculty at both institutions, although the actual instruction took place at Gloucester Point.[90]

But VIMS autonomy soon drew sharp criticism from oceanographic experts, and a consultants’ report in 1967 decried the lack of university supervision of VIMS, which caused the state to consider it a research rather than an educational institution. Virginia could not hope to offer oceanographic education of “a national and international reputation” under such conditions.[91] The state then insisted that VIMS students take more courses at the parent colleges and also permitted Old Dominion College to begin a master’s program in basic oceanography.[92] After this tightening of academic standards, William and Mary and VIMS offered graduate work in general, biological, and marine fisheries oceanography; and the program served about fifty students by 1970.[93]

As these academic and administrative changes took place, VIMS main campus at Gloucester Point gained two more classroom-laboratory buildings, three saltwater buildings for experimental work, and another research vessel, the Langley, which was a converted ferry used as a floating laboratory in the Chesapeake Bay. A new permanent laboratory rose at VIMS second campus at Wachapreague on the Eastern Shore. VIMS also participated, with the Army Corps of Engineers, in creating the James River Hydraulic Model at the United States Waterways Experiment Station in Vicksburg.[94]

The third cooperative research enterprise, the Institute of Early American History and Culture, jointly sponsored by the College and Colonial Williamsburg, expanded its research and publications under Lester J. Cappon, director since 1955. From 1960 to 1971, the Institute published thirty-nine scholarly books and monographs, bringing its total to sixty-seven since the publishing program started in 1947.[95] It continued issuing periodic newsletters and handbooks, kept two postdoctoral fellowships filled with promising young scholars, and sponsored conferences on colonial history. The “road show,” begun by Cappon in 1956, demonstrated the process of historical editing at other universities, while Institute staff taught courses in the College’s history department and assisted with Colonial Williamsburg’s research. The graduate apprenticeship program, begun in 1959 in conjunction with the history department, attracted more students. In 1969 the Institute and Colonial Williamsburg started a visiting scholars project to provide office space and institutional affiliation for selected scholars wanting to study in Williamsburg.[96] These activities enhanced the Institute’s national reputation as a center for early American history and heightened Paschall’s desire to initiate a doctoral program in history.[97]

The William and Mary Quarterly, edited by Lawrence W. Towner from 1956 until 1962, then by William W. Abbot until 1966, then by Thad W. Tate, continued to be one of the nation’s premier scholarly journals. It attracted manuscripts from established and aspiring historians and reviewed about eighty books a year. The journal also kept abreast of trends in scholarship such as quantitative methods and demography. A reflection of the Quarterly‘s growing prestige, circulation jumped from 1,556 in 1960 to 4,224 in 1971.[98]

The Institute had undertaken no special projects since completing the Virginia Gazette Index in 1950, but in 1966 it embarked on a new and important venture. As early as 1958, Chandler had suggested a joint effort by the Institute and the College to procure, edit, and publish the public and private papers of John Marshall, chief justice of the Supreme Court and an alumnus of William and Mary. The Board of Visitors approved the idea two years later.[99] After outside funding became available, the project got under way in 1966, with Stephen G. Kurtz, then Herbert Johnson, as editor, and the College began collecting the great jurist’s writings for the anticipated ten volumes.[100] William and Mary had joined such distinguished universities as Virginia, Harvard, and Princeton in the historical editing and publishing of the papers of prominent Americans.

Another special project, the badly needed Atlas of Early American History, began in 1968. Cappon secured private funds for a pilot study, then arranged for the Newberry Library in Chicago to cosponsor the Atlas.[101] Cappon, who had been at the Institute since 1945, retired as director in 1969 to head the Atlas project at the Newberry Library. During these twenty-four years, he had played a vital role in achieving the goal of reawakening “a lively interest” in early American history. Kurtz, editor of the Marshall Papers, became director.[102]

Still another means of encouraging research was the Marshall-Wythe Institute of Public Affairs, established in 1966 for interdisciplinary research in the social sciences. Under the direction of the former head of the government department, W. Warner Moss, this institute conducted the Marshall-Wythe Symposium, with one credit a semester for students, held conferences, and encouraged research on present-day problems. As the institute’s emphasis veered more toward research, its name changed to the Marshall-Wythe Institute for Research in the Social Sciences.[103]

Endowed chairs or professorships are another indication of striving for university status, and one of the social sciences, history, received an added boost in 1968 when private funds provided for an endowed chair—the James Pinckney Harrison Chair of History. This funding enabled the history department to invite a noted scholar each year to hold the chair, and the program got off to a good start with the selection of David Beers Quinn, a leading authority on English discovery and exploration in America, as the first holder of the chair. The chair, the only new endowed one of the decade, strengthened the department’s programs and prestige.[104]

Pashall’s Building Program

Something had to be done to enlarge the existing campus to house William and Mary’s burgeoning schools, departments, programs, students, and faculty; so Paschall launched a massive physical expansion program—the first since J. A C. Chandler’s administration—that created an entire new campus. Elaborating on Alvin Chandler’s master plan of May 1960, the next year Paschall devised a more detailed design for a new campus to the west of the existing campus. The projected buildings would be of Flemish bond brick to blend with the existing neo-Georgian structures on the old campus, but they would be similar in architectural style to the contemporary but conservative Phi Beta Kappa Memorial Hall, erected in 1957 as the first building on the new campus.[105]

Soon bulldozers made way for a dozen major buildings. Dormitories—Yates Hall (1962) for men, a twelve-unit complex for fraternities (1967), and duPont Hall (1964) for women—helped meet the housing shortage. Simultaneously, the first new classroom buildings since the mid-1930s sprang up. The William Small Physics Building (1964), the Robert Andrews Hall of Fine Arts (1967) added to the rear of Phi Beta Kappa Memorial Hall, the John Millington Hall of Life Sciences (1967), and the Hugh Jones Hall for mathematics and general classrooms (1969) fanned out in an academic court. The court, formed with the desperately needed Earl Gregg Swem Library (1966) and Phi Beta Kappa Memorial Hall as its anchors, was the focal point of the new campus.

To improve the body as well as the mind, the building program included modern physical education facilities: Adair Gymnasium for women (1963) and the mammoth William and Mary Hall (1971) that would house intercollegiate athletics, men’s physical education, and a basketball arena that could double as a convocation hall. A centrally located dining hall, William and Mary Commons (1967), was easily accessible to students on the new campus. The only new building outside this western area was a bookstore (1966), built across Jamestown Road next to the Campus Center.

In addition to these twelve buildings, new roads, tennis courts, and extensive renovations to numerous older buildings improved the entire physical plant. With an eye to beauty as well as utility, Paschall’s building program included the beginning of the Jefferson Prospect—a series of landscape projects stretching from the Sunken Garden on the old campus to Lake Matoaka on the far western side of the new campus.[106]

As the new campus rose, Paschall also turned his attention to the ancient campus, whose colonial buildings needed care. The College and Colonial Williamsburg jointly maintained the ancient campus, but the College Jacked funds for more costly improvements.[107] The Wren Building, named a National Historic Landmark in 1961, had suffered from the passing years and heavy use.[108] Colonial Williamsburg, at its own expense, restored, refurbished, and air-conditioned the Wren Building. In return, the College allowed Colonial Williamsburg to use parts of it for year-round historical interpretation.[109]

During these years the College finally acquired, in 1970, all the remaining lands from Eastern State Hospital. Paschall had drawn up a master plan for the property, but no development of it took place during his administration.[110] The College sold twenty-two acres of the land to Colonial Williamsburg for $671,600, and part of this acreage became the site of a new Williamsburg-James City County Court House.[111] Of all the buildings constructed during the Paschall era, none was more sorely needed than a modern library. Opening in 1966, the $3.2 million Earl Gregg Swem Library dominated the academic court on the new campus and provided ample space for the library’s holdings, which had been scattered in makeshift storage areas.[112] In a specially constructed gallery, the library housed the marble statue of the colonial governor Lord Botetourt, which had stood, except for a brief time during the Civil War, on the ancient campus from 1801 to 1958. It was then placed in storage to protect it from the elements and from vandalism.

After James A Servies, librarian since 1957, guided the transition to the new building, he soon resigned.[113] His successor, William C. Pollard, oversaw the expansion of the library’s holdings and services to the College community.[114] Offering safe, air-conditioned storage, the library attracted several major additions to its manuscripts collections, which swelled to about 700,000 items by 1971. The number of volumes, government documents, microfilm, microform, and periodicals rose to 802,174, and total holdings reached over 1.5 million.[115] The modern, new library with its impressive holdings was another indication that William and Mary was becoming a university. Ironically, the library was designed and built as an undergraduate study facility, and the advent of graduate programs quickly led to serious overcrowding.

William and Mary’s new campus cost $36 million, plus another $4 million for equipment.[116] It was Paschall’s task to raise these funds, and in this area he was eminently successful. His friendship with state officials and legislators, his amiable personality, and his oratorical flare in describing William and Mary’s “glorious” history and present needs loosened the General Assembly’s purse strings.[117] During Governor Godwin’s massive collegiate building program, capital outlay funds for the College, as well as for Virginia’s other public institutions, soared.[118] Other funds came from state-backed revenue bonds. Through the Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963 and the Higher Education Act of 1965, the federal government, for the first time, provided grants for physical expansion, equipment, and remodeling.[119] In spite of all these revenue sources, the College’s total debt increased to $7,310,758 by 1971.[120] Completely gone were any traces of Pomfret’ s aversion to debt Paschall was equally persuasive with donors to the College’s various endowment funds, which rose from $3.8 million in 1960 to nearly $11 million in 1971, although rising inflation eroded the real value of the endowment.[121] In addition to individual contributors, foundations and corporations donated generously.[122]

Federal government largess became increasingly important and provided funds for grants, research, and program development. NASA, the National Science Foundation, the National Institutes of Health, and the army and the air force were among the principal benefactors, contributing over $5 million to the College during the 1960s.[123]

To oversee the evolving university, Paschall needed an efficient administrative structure. When he became president, twenty-one deans and administrators and twenty-two faculty committees reported directly to the president, leaving him little time for other duties. The College’s self-study in 1964 recommended a complete overhaul of this awkward arrangement, and Paschall quickly reorganized it.[124] The streamlined administration, effective in September 1964, had only four major officers reporting to the president: the dean of the College W. Melville Jones; the dean of students J. Wilfred Lambert; the bursar Robert T. English; and soon, the director of development, James S. Kelly. Newly created posts included Robert T. Siegel as dean of graduate studies and Dudley M. Jensen as registrar, a position now separated from the dean of students.[125]

As the College continued to expand, more administrative changes followed. In 1968 the dean of the College became vice-president, with Jones still filling this top post. Two assistant vice-presidents, John H. Willis, Jr., and John E. Donaldson, were added.[126] In addition, the Administrative Council, a representative collegewide advisory group to the president, was created.[127]

Still another reorganization in 1969 put more levels in the bureaucratic hierarchy. At the top was an executive vice-president, Carter O. Lowance, who had been chief executive assistant to six Democratic Virginia governors. Under Lowance were three vice-presidents: Jones for academic affairs, Lambert for student affairs, and English for business affairs. Now only the executive vice-president and the Administrative Council reported directly to the president. The increasingly bureaucratic structure required a concomitant rise in the number of administrators, and by the fall of 1970 there were sixty-five people in administrative positions at the College—a large jump from the twenty-three in 1960.[128] William and Mary had the administrative apparatus befitting a small university, and a gnawing concern mounted among the faculty that the College would lose sight of its undergraduate mission.

Paschall’ s administrative style differed from that of his predecessors. In place of Pomfret’s disinterest and Chandler’s abrasiveness came Paschall’s smooth joviality. Devoted to William and Mary, he worked long hours and took only three vacations during his eleven years as president.[129] For advice and direction, he relied heavily on two figures from his student days: retired history professor Richard L. Morton and the former librarian, Earl Gregg Swem, who died in 1965.[130] He met almost daily with English, the bursar, who was later vice-president for business affairs, and depended on dean of the faculty Fowler to handle routine academic matters. Otherwise, he did not hold regular meetings with his deans and other administrators. Rather, he dealt with each individually when the need arose. Paschall had difficulty delegating authority—he did not want to inflict minutiae on his subordinates, he later said—and was involved with everything from constructing buildings to devising academic programs to raising money to directing landscaping projects.[131] His inability to delegate and his failure to communicate to his administrators his overall plans and visions for the College led to a fragmentation within the whole College community, with no one except the president having a clear understanding of his entire program.

A University—At Last

The same affable busyness that characterized his dealings with administrators was present in Paschall’s relations with the Board of Visitors. A bylaws change in 1962 limited the rector’s term to only two years and broke a long tradition of an entrenched, powerful rector who could challenge presidential leadership. In 1966 the General Assembly enlarged the Board from fourteen to seventeen members, with as many as three from out of state.[132] Paschall eased the Board’s decision-making process by providing an agenda, action material, and extensive background information in advance of meetings—techniques that Rector C. Sterling Hutcheson considered “a model of efficient administration.”[133] Although Paschall broke with custom by not submitting annual reports to the Board, he was so effective with it that there was generally great unanimity between the Board and the president.[134]

The Board had been fully supportive of the College’s assuming or strengthening all the trappings of a university—an array of master’s and doctoral programs, professional schools, branch campuses, far-reaching collaborative research programs, public service activities, an enlarged student body, and a new campus—although Paschall did not use the word “university” publicly until May 1967.[135] In January 1968 the State Council of Higher Education officially dubbed William and Mary a “modern university,” a term Paschall had sought, he said, solely for improved faculty salaries and increased appropriations. At long last, the ancient College had achieved the status that Thomas Jefferson had advocated for it so long ago.[136] Although the College was turning into a university , Paschall stressed that it still maintained its undergraduate orientation by limiting its enrollment to less than five thousand students, emphasizing teaching rather than research, using senior faculty to teach lower level courses, and assuring library resources for undergraduate as well as graduate programs.[137]

Activism Sets In

As the College developed and expanded during the 1960s, it did not escape the upheavals sweeping most American campuses. The Free Speech Movement at Berkeley in 1964 ushered in an era when demonstrations, marches, sit-ins, strikes, riots, burnings, bombings , and shootings vented students’ objections to the increasingly unpopular Vietnam War, the repression of minorities, parietal regulations, and exclusion from college decision making.[138]

At William and Mary, the Vietnam War was not central to campus activism. Beginning in 1965 a small group, the Students for Liberal Action, sponsored sporadic protests, peace vigils, and participation in the National Moratorium Day for peace in Vietnam.[139] The American invasion of Cambodia in April 1970 triggered uprisings at over one-half of American colleges and culminated with the tragic killing of four students at Kent State University, then two at Jackson State College.[140] William and Mary students staged a strike on May 8 with a march and meetings, discussions, and speeches in the Sunken Garden, where four stark white crosses stood as solemn reminder s of the Kent State students.[141] In contrast to many other colleges, the antiwar protests remained nonviolent.

Of far more interest were campus issues such as dress codes, cars, social rules, drinking, class attendance, participation in making decisions that affected the entire College, and, most especially, visitation by the opposite sex in the dormitories. Students must become responsible for their own lives, they argued. How else, they asked, would they learn to function as adults?[142]

Some dormitory open houses had been allowed, but with strict regulations designed to protect the “flower of Southern womanhood.” After unsuccessfully trying to get the president’s approval for regular visitation, the Student Association sponsored an unauthorized open house on November 11, 1967. Retribution was swift: eight student dormitory managers who supported the Student Association resigned either voluntaril y or involuntarily. Paschall held firm, and the rules remained unchanged for two more years.[143]

During the Christmas holidays in 1967, campus police searched all dormitories, allegedly looking for fire hazards, and seized hot plates, firearms, and motorcycles. The great “hot plate raid,” as it came to be called, touched off outraged protests from students and faculty and intensified demands for protection against arbitrary room searches and for other rights.[144]

Agitation for reform continued throughout the spring of 1968. In August the Board of Visitors followed a national trend to forestall student ferment and issued a Statement of Rights and Responsibilities for students.[145] In addition to basic educational rights, the statement established the Board of Student Affairs, composed of students, faculty, and administration representatives , to implement it.[146] Anger and contempt greeted the statement, which had been drawn up without faculty or student input and which gave students no voice in determining the rules governing their lives. A bomb threat at the opening convocation emphasized the discontent, and both the Student Association and the faculty voted their disapproval. In sheer frustration, about six hundred students staged a Time-Out Day in November 1968 to discuss what they wanted from a college. Freewheeling discussions and workshops covered subjects ranging from rights to racism to the curriculum. Soon, a Board of Visitors committee and the Board of Student Affairs revised the statement, and after campuswide discussions, an acceptable version appeared in the Student Handbook in 1970.[147] The furor subsided.

Not only did the administration help devise a statement of rights, but between 1967 and 1971 it met other student demands. It ended the ban on alcohol, allowed upperclassmen to have cars on campus, eliminated the dress code for women, allowed twenty-one-year-old women to live off campus, approved unlimited class cuts, relaxed the women’s curfew, and permitted students to serve on various College standing committees.[148]

But these concessions did nothing to meet the main student demand: visitation by the opposite sex in the dormitories. The spring semester of 1969 saw blatant defiance of women’s social rules, and in April over two hundred students signed an open letter calling for Paschall’s resignation because of his “reactionary and misguided” leadership.[149] The gulf widened between the student body and the president. At the same time, a special faculty committee called for an end to excessively harsh and antiquated social regulations.[150]

The fall 1969 semester began badly and then worsened.[151] On Saturday, October 25, the Student Association, with the backing of other student groups, staged a Dorm-In at the men’s dormitories and fraternity houses. That afternoon Paschall, silent on the issue before then, had given dean of men Carson H. Barnes, Jr., instructions on enforcing College rules and composed a letter (Individual Notice) to be presented to men found entertaining women in their rooms. In the evening Barnes and three other administrators visited the fraternity houses and later the men’s dormitories, where they handed out twenty-eight Individual Notices. Ten men who refused to comply with the notice’s admonition to get the women out were summarily suspended for the semester. At the same time, a brief, impromptu sit-in took place at James Blair Hall in front of Barnes’s office. Students were aghast at the failure of Barnes, on Paschall’s instructions, to follow standard College procedures: a hearing by the Discipline Committee.[152]

A few days later, Paschall softened the punishment to probation, but this failed to placate angry students who charged him with violating the due process guarantee of the Statement of Rights and Responsibilities. In an emergency meeting, the faculty discussed the president’s arbitrary use of power and appointed a committee to investigate the Dorm-In, but the Board of Visitors upheld Paschall’s actions.[153] Two administrators, in open letters, condemned the faculty for challenging Paschall. Soon afterward, Barnes gave a fiery and well-publicized speech castigating the “radical” faculty who had assisted activist students to “plan, mastermind, and support the defiance of institutional authority.”[154]

The faculty rose up in protest. The report of the committee investigating the Dorm-In deplored the lack of communication between the president and student leaders before that event, found that the Dorm-In was “a limited action for a limited objective and not an assault upon all legitimate authority,” and sharply criticized Barnes for attacking the faculty.[155] Exacerbating the situation, Paschall, in the administrative reshuffling in early 1970, promoted Barnes to dean of students. An irate faculty immediately censured Barnes and voted no confidence in him, and students boycotted the Charter Day convocation in protest.[156]

The open house problem did not go away. In March 1970 the Discipline Committee suspended four students for violating visitation rules, and the president upheld the decision. After another sit-in at James Blair, vigils, demonstrations, and several bomb threats, two students were reinstated. The other two sued in federal district court for readmission. The court ordered the College to reinstate them because the College had neither a clear statement of rules nor consistent enforcement procedures.[157] Soon, the College newspaper, the Flat Hat, called for Paschall to step down as president because he would never change his views on in loco parentis. But Paschall yielded to increasingly intense public opinion and in April decreed more liberal visitation rules for the fall: there could be open houses from noon to curfew each Friday, Saturday, and Sunday.[158]

The Flat Hat played a crucial role in fanning discontent. Typical of student newspapers of the era, the Flat Hat was a strident voice calling for sweeping reforms, especially of parietal regulations. Designed for shock effect, profanity and obscenity dotted the headlines, but the administration was reluctant to muzzle the newspaper. Finally, in May 1971 Paschall, acting in his role as publisher of the College-funded newspaper, appointed a committee to devise methods of supervision that would ensure “good taste.”[159] Here the matter hung at the end of his presidency.

By the fall of 1970, student activism began to decline at William and Mary, as it did on other campuses nationwide, and in another year the movement had waned. Its main objectives-an end to the Vietnam War and a larger role in self-determinationwere being achieved. At the College, the changes had come without violence.[160] The conservative president had responded slowly but steadily to student demands because of his own views of propriety, his awareness of parents’ wishes, the Board of Visitors’ loud opposition, and above all, a weather eye cast at the General Assembly.[161]

Still another form of activism—the civil rights movement—brought more changes to William and Mary. In 1951 the College began admitting a few black graduate students but no undergraduates. In 1963 the College admitted one black undergraduate, Oscar Blayton, and that same year Paschall announced that William and Mary would play any Southern Conference team, even if it had black players.[162] The Civil Rights Act of 1964 desegregated public educational institutions, prohibited federal funds from going to segregated schools, and provided enforcement machinery through the office of the attorney general of the United States and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare (HEW).[163] But few blacks had applied to William and Mary, and most could not meet admissions standards. On the faculty’s recommendation, the College soon pursued a more active recruitment policy, and in the fall of 1967, four qualified black undergraduates enrolled.[164] After the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., in 1968, the faculty established a scholarship fund in honor of the slain civil rights leader.[165]

In the fall of 1968, HEW investigators visited the campus to ascertain the College’s compliance with the Civil Rights Act and its eligibility to continue receiving federal funds. Following the recommendations of Eloise Severinson, HEW’s regional civil rights director, the College began recruiting at all predominately black high schools in Virginia and ended its discriminatory off-campus housing lists.[166] After another compliance team visited William and Mary in the spring of 1970, the College appointed an equal opportunity officer, adopted an equal opportunity employment policy, and tried to recruit and hire minorities.[167] Still not satisfied, Severinson maintained that the College had not done enough to modify its white identity. The College, Paschall insisted, had complied with civil rights requirements. Severinson, concluding that William and Mary did not intend to take adequate measures to overcome past segregation, sent Paschall’s letter to HEW’s Washington headquarters for enforcement proceedings. Paschall heard no more from HEW, and federal funding of more than $1 million a year continued, so the dispute had ended.[168]

During these same months, the Board of Visitors and the General Assembly had authorized expanding Richard Bland College to four years, and HEW objected because of that college’s proximity to all-black Virginia State College. Although the court decision in 1971 blocked the expansion, HEW interpreted the proposal as another indication of discrimination.[169]

In spite of HEW’s criticisms, William and Mary continued to make strides in overcoming racial discrimination. In the summer of 1970, a black woman became assistant dean of admissions and was the College’s first black administrator.[170] By the next spring the College had about forty black students, who banded together to form the Black Student Organization.[171] There were no black faculty members although the College had tried, unsuccessfully, to hire qualified black teachers. The College catalogue for 1970–71 stated for the first time that William and Mary was open to all qualified students regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin.[172] In a time of uncertainty at the state level on acceptable means to meet HEW’s guidelines on implementing desegregation—an uncertainty that would last through much of the 1970s—William and Mary, like other public colleges, awaited a more definite plan of action from the governor’s office.

 


The responsibilities and problems of running the College took their toll on Paschall. After he issued his ten-year report, “Highlights of Progress, 1960–1970, A Report of the Decade and a Look Ahead to 1970–1980,” he announced to the Board of Visitors on November 7, 1970, that he planned to retire the following August.[173] Years of directing the building and expansion of the College, and more recently, dealing with student and civil rights activism, lawsuits, mounting criticism, and loss of rapport with faculty and students had left Paschall exhausted, ill, and hurt. The election of Republican Governor A. Linwood Holton also portended a shift in favorable treatment of the College and removal of Paschall’s supporters from the Board.[174] He suffered a poignant conclusion to the “Golden Decade,” which had changed William and Mary forever.

An educator by training and experience, Paschall brought to the presidency a wide vision of education in Virginia and of William and Mary’s place in the statewide system.[175] He had a comprehensive development plan for the College and methodically implemented it. Although he never referred to William and Mary as a university until 1967, his entire program led to this momentous change in the College’s status.

First came the vast expansion of graduate studies with four doctoral programs, an additional eight master’s programs, and four new schools. A modernized curriculum and four new departments provided strong and sound, although not unique, undergraduate offerings. Branch campuses at Christopher Newport, Richard Bland, and VARC expanded the College’s influence in Tidewater Virginia; and the enlarged summer session, extension division, and evening college met adult educational needs. Concentrated research at VIMS, the Institute of Early American History and Culture, SREL, and the Bureau of Business Research enhanced the College’s academic status while providing vital public services. The Marshall-Wythe Institute for Research in the Social Sciences was established, although the School of Government and Citizenship was not reactivated. The student body nearly doubled in size and became highly selective. The faculty, strengthened in numbers and quality by a series of pay raises and more research funding, undergirded the diversified academic apparatus. Under Fowler’s leadership, it often urged prudence and caution in the expansion of the College. Paschall encouraged outside funding, and state, federal, and private money enabled the College to underwrite its growing services and to provide new support for research, faculty research leaves, teaching awards, an endowed chair, and student loans and grants. All of these had been on Paschall’s wish list in 1962.

Nowhere did Paschall’s dream for William and Mary show more clearly than in the construction of an entire new campus. His persistence in gaining the approbation of the Board of Visitors, various governors, and the General Assembly created a permanent monument to his vision and determination. And yet, in spite of the abundance of new bricks and mortar, Paschall always considered the ancient Wren Building as his Camelot.[176]

But the elements of Paschall’s vision remained essentially private during his administration and usually surfaced as faits accomplis. Either unable or unwilling to share his plans with the faculty or administrators, Paschall did not generate broad support from these groups for his concept of William and Mary’s place in the state educational system. No one knew what was going on. This same communications failure also manifested itself during the years of student activism, when contacts by the president often came in terse pronouncements or punitive discipline. When Paschall retired, he left behind an enviable record of achievement; by “ploughing a straight furrow,” he had accomplished most of the goals he had set in his “Blueprint for Progress.”[177] The College had become a small university serving the needs of eastern Virginia, while simultaneously maintaining a strong and viable undergraduate liberal arts tradition.[178] In appreciation, the Board of Visitors named Paschall president emeritus.[179] Then the whole College community awaited another new president and wondered if he, too, would lead William and Mary in still another direction.


  1. Biographical information from Who’s Who in America, 36th ed., 1750; BOV Minutes, June 11, 1960; Davis Y. Paschall Oral History, 1–2, 31, 34, 37, 45–50; Kale and Smith, Paschall, 12–63.
  2. For more on Paschall's background, see S. Dean Olson, "From Plowboy to President," W&M Magazine 59 (Summer 1991): 17–20.
  3. Faculty Minutes, Sept. 14, 1960. Willett Oral History, 40, pointed to Paschall's strong commitment to the College but noted that his goals were unclear.
  4. Inaugural address, in The Inauguration of Davis Young Paschall as the Twenty-third President of the College of William and Mary in Virginia (Williamsburg, Va., 1961), 43–45, 47–48, 50; Alumni Gazette 29 (Winter 1961): 4–8, 26; Flat Hat, Sept. 22, Oct. 13, 1961.
  5. Report to the Board of Visitors, July 17, 1962, in Paschall's Oral History box. This is his "Blueprint for Progress." Also, Paschall, "Events, Developments, and Related Matters of Historical Significance to the College of William and Mary" (monograph for BOV, 1981), 31–35. Paschall stressed continuity with Alvin D. Chandler's programs when he wrote to the chancellor that the blueprint was "not something new, but rather ... a compilation of the planning previously done." Paschall to Chandler, Aug. 1, 1962, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers.
  6. Gordon W. Sweet, executive secretary, SACSS, to Paschall, Aug. 30, 1961; Paschall to Sweet, Sept. 5, 1961, both in folder SACSS, box 37, A. D. Chandler Papers; A Self-Study of the College of William and Mary in Virginia (Williamsburg, Va., 1964), 6–7, 230–34, 271–74; folder Visitation Committee Report, 1964, box 8, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70.
  7. Harold L. Fowler to W. Melville Jones, Jan. 15, 1965, folder FAC, 1963–67, box 4, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70; Altbach and Berdahl, eds., Higher Education, 78.
  8. Faculty Minutes, Dec. 17, 1963, Feb. 11, Mar. 10, May 12, 1964; Fowler Oral History, 116; BOV Minutes, May 11, 1963. The scale effective in 1964–65 gave professors $8,300 to $10,700; associate professors, $6,900 to $8,900; assistant professors, $6,200 to $7,400; and instructors, $5,300 to $6,200.
  9. Faculty Minutes, May 9, 1967, Apr. 9, 1968; Paschall's report in appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Feb. 10, 1970; Paschall's report on progress in faculty salaries in appendix A, BOV Minutes, Jan. 6, 1968; BOV Minutes, Jan. 8, 1971; Fowler Oral History, 111–12.
  10. Subject File, Chairs and Professorship—Chancellor Professors; Subject File, Awards and Scholarships (Master List); BOV Minutes, Sept. 28, 1968; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress: 1960–1970—A Report on the Decade," 24. The College also qualified for matching state funds for the Heritage Fellows under the Eminent Scholars Program. Paschall to Prince B. Woodward, Oct. 31, 1968; Paschall to Robert English, Melville Jones, and Carter Lowance, Oct. 23, 1970, both in folder Eminent Scholars, box 11, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  11. BOV Minutes, Nov. 21, 22, 1969.
  12. By 1971 the loan funds had reached $900,000; the maximum loan was $25,000 at 4.5 percent. BOV Minutes, May 20, 22, 1971.
  13. Jones to Paschall, Nov. 3, 1961, folder Faculty Course Load, box 31, Paschall Papers; William and Mary: Report of Self-Study, 1974 (Williamsburg: William and Mary, 1974), 173, 176, 183–84.
  14. Self-Study: 1974, 422, 441. State and Society of Alumni funds made up the College money available for research. A history of research funds, beginning in 1948, is in appendix 3, Faculty Minutes, Feb. 11, 1964, and appendix 3, FAS Minutes, Apr. 9, 1968.
  15. Figures on number of faculty and percentage of women from Publications File: Committees—Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Status of Women at W&M, May 1, 1973; figures on terminal degrees in Catalogue: 1970–1971, 14–45; BOV Minutes. Jan. 10, 11, 1969.
  16. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, May 20, 1961, Nov. 10, 1962, Mar. 23, Sept. 7, 1963, Sept. 12, 1964, May 8, 1965, Jan. 14, May 28, 1966, Jan. 14, Aug. 11, 12, Nov. 18, 1967, Jan. 6, 1968, Jan. 11, 1969, Jan. 8, 1971; Faculty Minutes, Dec. 17, 1963, Oct. 8, 1968; Alumni Gazette 35 (Mar. 1968): 10. When asked by the author in an interview, March 25, 1991, why he had circumvented the faculty, Paschall replied that he knew most faculty would oppose graduate programs which he and the State Council of Higher Education realized were necessary for William and Mary.
  17. Paschall appointed a committee, chaired by Harold L. Fowler, to revise the bylaws, in Faculty Minutes, Apr. 11, 1961. Bylaws of the Faculty of the College, 1963, folder Faculty By-Laws, 1963, box 2, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70, designated the elected committees: nominating, faculty affairs, curriculum, degrees, and honorary degrees. Other standing committees were appointed by the president. The Board approved the new bylaws on September 7, 1963. See also folder Faculty Meetings—By-Laws, box 31, Paschall Papers.
  18. Statement of Academic Freedom, Sept. 30, 1963, folder FAC, 1963–67, box 4, dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70; and in folder Academic Freedom and Tenure, box 1, Paschall Papers; appendix 2, Faculty Minutes, Oct. 8, 1963. The faculty approved the statement on October 8, 1963, and sent it to the president and the Board, which approved it on January 11, 1964.
  19. Publications File: "Faculty Handbook," tentative draft of 1964; Faculty Handbook, rev. ed. (Williamsburg: William and Mary, 1965).
  20. Faculty Minutes, May 10, 1966, Feb. 14, Apr. 11, 1967, Oct. 8, 1968.
  21. Self-Study: 1964, 159; dean and department heads of the FAS to BOV members, President Paschall, and Vice-President Jones, Nov. 14, 1968, in enclosure 28, BOV Minutes, Jan. 11, 1969; recent communications among the department heads, the president, and the BOV, in appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Jan. 14, 1969. Paschall realized, he later wrote, that to achieve his goals he had to circumvent the "old line" faculty who wanted the College to stay around the Sunken Garden rather than expand to a new campus. To do this he used two strategic maxims: "constructive ambiguity" and "flexible response." Paschall memo, May 1987, scrapbook, Paschall's private collection.
  22. Moss Oral History, 141, 158, 169; Fowler Oral History, 44–45; Flat Hat, Mar. 13, 1964; FAS Minutes, Feb. 10, 1970.
  23. David H. Jones interview with author, Nov.19, 1990; FAS Minutes, Apr.15, 1969; Flat Hat, Apr.11, 1969.
  24. BOV Minutes, May 21, June 11, 1960, Jan. 11, 1969, Jan. 30, 31, May 15, 16, 1970, Jan. 8, 1971; Faculty Minutes, Oct. 9, 1962; FAS Minutes, Jan.14, 1969, Mar. 10, May 12, Oct.13, Nov. 10, Dec. 8, 1970; appendix 2, in Jan. 12, 1971, FAS Minutes; Fowler Oral History, 144–45.
  25. Catalogue: 1960–1961, 321; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 371.
  26. Catalogue: 1960–1971, passim. The mid-Atlantic states continued to provide the most out-of-state students. The Board of Visitors, Minutes, Aug. 27, 1960, had mandated the 70 percent Virginian policy
  27. Catalogue: 1971–1972, 62; BOV Minutes, Sept. 12, 1964; Freshman Class Profiles, 1961 and 1970, in Publications File: Office of Admissions—Freshman Class Profiles (1959–73); appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Nov. 10, 1970. The Alumni Gazette 32 (May 1965): 5, in an article on admissions, noted that William and Mary was the eighth hardest college in the nation for women to enter. Later, the Alumni Gazette 34 (Oct. 1966): 9, said the College was among the top fifty-eight colleges in the country in competitiveness.
  28. John C. Bright, report, July 28, 1960, folder Reports to the President, 1959–60, box 32, A. D. Chandler Papers; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 37; Alumni Gazette 36 (May 1969): 16–18.
  29. Financial Report of the College of William and Mary, June 30, 1971, in Publications File: Office of the Vice—President of Business Affairs—Financial Reports; Higher Education Act of 1965, U.S. Statutes at Large, 89th Cong., 1st sess., P. L. 89–329. Title IV of this act provided grants for needy students and grants to institutions for work-study programs.
  30. Bright, report, Aug. 6, 1964, in Publications File: Office of Student Aid; Paschall, “Highlights of Progress,” 40.
  31. Scholarships for Foreign Study, in Subject File, Awards and Scholarships; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 77.
  32. Faculty Committee on Athletics, reports, in Faculty Minutes, May 9, 1961, May 8, 1962, May 14, 1963, May 14, 1967. In a fiery letter of resignation, Howard K. Holland, committee chairman, to Paschall, January 6, 1964, protested an "era of unfortunate puppet-like manipulation of the Athletic Committee by the president and bursar of the College and the athletic director." Citing Holland's outstanding job as committee chairman, Paschall convinced Holland not to resign. Paschall to Holland, Jan. 20, 1964; Holland to Paschall, July 22, 1964, all letters in folder Faculty—Committee on Athletics, box 31, Paschall Papers.
  33. BOV Minutes, June 10, 1961; Faculty Minutes, May 8, 1962; Alumni Gazette 28 (Summer 1961): 14.
  34. BOV Minutes, May 19, 1962; English to Paschall, May 21, 1962, folder R. T. English, Jr., box 28, Paschall Papers. The Board used private funds to retire the debt, which had climbed to $589,412, including $228,575 for grants-in-aid, but an increase of $33,425 in these grants over the budgeted amount caused another deficit in the spring of 1971. See Men's Athletic Association budget, 1970–71; English to Paschall, Apr. 27, 1971; Paschall to H. Lester Hooker, Jr., and Edward Derringe, Apr. 28, 1971, all in folder Athletic Association—Correspondence, 4/71–12/73, box 1, Office of the Vice-President for Business Affairs Files, 1978.2.
  35. BOV Minutes, Mar. 23, May 11, 1963; Flat Hat, Apr. 19, 1963. Hooker had been basketball and baseball coach at William and Mary in 1951–52, then coached at the University of Richmond until he returned to Williamsburg. Biographical information in folder H. Lester Hooker, Jr., box 4, Graves Papers, 1978.1.
  36. BOV Minutes, Jan. 11, 1964; Colonial Echo: 1965, 272–73; 1966, 224; 1967, 222; 1971, 124–25; Flat Hat, Jan. 10, Dec. 4, 1964, Dec. 3, 1965, Oct. 27, 1967. Levy left in 1969 for a job with the Philadelphia Eagles, and Lou Holtz became head football coach.
  37. William B. Chambers coached the team until 1966 when Warren Mitchell succeeded him.
  38. Colonial Echo: 1967, 232; 1969, 47; 1970, 72. Harry Groves was head track coach until 1968 when John Randolph took over the position.
  39. Paschall, "Events, Developments," 48, 50–51.
  40. Complaints of drunkenness and physical violence caused the Discipline Committee to suspend four freshman football players in early 1967, but Paschall reinstated them. Flat Hat, Feb. 17, 1967.
  41. Faculty Minutes, Dec. 12, 1967; Report of the FAC on the Relationship between the Football Program and the Goals of the College and Maintenance of Academic and Disciplinary Standards, Feb. 3, 1969, in appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Feb. 11, 1969, and in folder FAC Report on Football Program, box 2, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70.
  42. Bok, Higher Leaming, 39–41, said curriculum debates are nothing new and that there have always been fluctuations in requirements. Arthur Levine, Undergraduate Curriculum, 371–72, pointed to student activism of the 1960s as the catalyst for curricular modifications across the country.
  43. Chaired by Frank B. Evans, the ad hoc committee consisted of six faculty members, two administrators, and three students. Details of the struggle to modify the curriculum are in report of the ad hoc committee, Sept. 1969, folder Curriculum Committee, box 9, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and in appendix 7, FAS Minutes, Oct. 14, 1969; Alumni Gazette 37 (Dec. 1969): 8; curriculum committee report, Jan. 8, 1970, folder Curriculum Committee and Curriculum, box 20, Paschall Papers; Fowler to FAS, June 1, 1970, folder Curriculum Revisions, box 4, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70; Fowler Oral History, 88–94; FAS Minutes, Mar. 31, Apr. 7, 16, 21, 23, 28, 30, May 12, 14, Nov. 10, 17, Dec. 8, 1970. The faculty approved the new curriculum on January 12, 1971, but never implemented a four-one-four calendar.
  44. Catalogue: 1970–1971, 97; Catalogue: 1971–1972, 74–75; Self-Study: 1974, 52–53. Area I included classical studies, English, fine arts, modern languages, music, philosophy, religion, and theatre and speech. Area II consisted of anthropology, economics, government, history, psychology, and sociology. Area III included biology, chemistry, geology, mathematics, and physics.
  45. Self-Study: 1974, 78, 82; Alumni Gazette 34 (Mar. 1967): 4. Paschall, Inaugural Address, 46–47, had advocated an honors program for freshmen and sophomores. Rudolph, Curriculum, 253, 270, noted that curricular changes in the 1960s often led to more specialization, such as senior theses, independent study, honors programs, and freshman seminars.
  46. Catalogue: 1970–1971, 310–12. Paschall, in letters to Robert H. Roy, Jan. 3, 1962; R. G. Folsom, Jan. 23, 1962; Frank H. Lee, Jan. 3, 1962, all in folder Engineering—Pre-Program, box 28, Paschall Papers, accepted their invitations to participate in five-year engineering programs.
  47. Self-Study: 1964, 272; Fowler Oral History, 78, 160–62; Jones Oral History, 133–34. Paschall thought, he confided to rector Sterling Hutcheson, May 15, 1964, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers, that establishing the doctorate in physics and marine science would help overcome faculty opposition to doctoral programs.
  48. Paschall to R. William Arthur, Oct. 20, 1964, folder R William Arthur, box 3, Paschall Papers.
  49. William and Mary already offered master's degrees in Education, English, history, law and marine science, physics, psychology, and the teaching of science.
  50. Catalogue: 1970–1971, 106, 280, 371. Frank Hohl earned the College's first doctor degree, in physics, in 1967. Alumni Gazette 35 (Oct. 1967): 9.
  51. School of Continuing Studies Catalogue: Fall 1971, 16–20. The faculty, in Self-Study: 1964, 252–53, 258, believed that the extension service had outlived its usefulness and should be abolished.
  52. Self-Study: 1974, 322–23.
  53. Publications File: MWSL Faculty Minutes, Sept. 20, 1962, Jan. 23, 1964, Jan. 20, Mar. 24, 1966, Jan. 6, Feb. 21, 1967, Feb. 3, 1969; BOV Minutes, May 19, 1962, Jan. 11, 1964, May 28, 1966, May 30, 31, 1969; Self Study: 1974, 369; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 25–27; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 371. Joseph Curtis had taught law at the College since 1948, became acting dean of the law school in September 1962, then dean in February 1964. He resigned in 1969, and James P. Whyte, Jr., replaced him.
  54. BOV Minutes, May 20, 1961. Hargis, VIMS, 14, 16. Hargis had been at the Fisheries Laboratory since 1955 and became director in May 1959. Chandler to J. L. McHugh, May 20, 1959, folder M-General, 1955–60, box 24, A D. Chandler Papers.
  55. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1961; Chandler to presidents of the colleges, Jan. 19, 1961; Paschall to Holland, Jan. 23, 1961, both in folder School of Education, box 6, Dean of the Faculty Files, 1979.37. Holland had taught at the College since 1948 and had been head of the Department of Education since 1959. Paschall, interview with author, Jan. 24, 1991, said that he [Paschall] had been strongly opposed to a systemwide school, but the chancellor had prevailed.
  56. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1966; Richard B. Brooks Oral History, 29–33; Brooks interviews with author, Feb. 6, 18, 1991; Richard Brooks, Royce Chesser, and Donna Haygood, "History of the School of Education," unpub. monograph (1988); School of Education, "Self-Study Report to the National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education," 1972. Brooks had been assistant professor of psychology and head of counseling 1947–57. He became dean of the college, then acting president, at Longwood College and returned to William and Mary in 1968.
  57. BOV Minutes, May 27, 1967, Jan. 6, 1968; Faculty Minutes, Sept. 20, 1967; Flat Hat, Jan. 12, 1968; Alumni Gazette 36 (Oct. 1968): 13–15, 19. In addition to Newport News Shipbuilding, companies such as nearby Anheuser-Busch and Dow Chemical created a demand for trained business graduates. See George Oral History, 12; Marian Moncure Duncan Oral History, 14–18.
  58. SBA Faculty Minutes, Feb. 2, 1968–May 17, 1971, passim. Charles L. Quittmeyer had come to William and Mary as assistant professor of business administration in 1948, then taught at the University of Buffalo from 1954 to 1962 when he returned to the College as head of the department.
  59. SBA Faculty Minutes, Nov. 17, 1970; enclosure 9, BOV Minutes, Jan. 8, 1971.
  60. Quittmeyer, "The Development of Business Administration as a Field of Study at William and Mary, with Related Observations," unpub. monograph (1984), 73–74, 78–82; Quittmeyer Oral History, 5–7.
  61. BOV Minutes, Jan. 6, 1968; Fowler to FAS, Apr. 9, 1970, folder Committee on Programs in Continuing Studies, box 2, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1982.70; Flat Hat, Jan. 12, 1968. Donald J. Herrmann had taught in the Department of Education since 1951, then was coordinator of the branch colleges from 1963 to 1968 and was also director of the summer sessions.
  62. Herrmann Oral History, 17; School of Continuing Studies Catalogue: Fall 1971, 16–20; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 29.
  63. FAS Minutes, Oct. 8, Dec.10, 1968, Jan.14, 1969, Feb.10, 1971; dean and department heads of the FAS to individual members of the BOV, the president, and the vice-president, Nov. 14, 1968, in enclosure 28, BOV Minutes, Jan. 11, 1969; Herrmann Oral History, 17–18; Jones Oral History, 135–40; Fowler Oral History, 66.
  64. Catalogue: 1970–1971, 261–62; Quittmeyer interview with author, July 30, 1991.
  65. BOV Minutes, May 28, 1966; Self-Study: 1974, 350–51; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 55–56; Gov. Mills E. Godwin to rector and BOV, June 3, 1966, folder CNC, box 3, Vice-President for Business Affairs Office Files, 1983.27.
  66. BOV Minutes, Aug. 27, 1960, Mar. 4, 1961; Flat Hat, Nov. 11, 1960; Acts of Assembly: 1962, chap. 610.
  67. H. Westcott Cunningham interview with author, Jan. 26, 1991; Christopher Newport College: Self-Study, August 1967, 166–67, folder CNC, 1967–68, box 15, Paschall Papers; CNC report to CWM committee, Oct. 26, 1966, in Publications File: Committees, C-D.
  68. BOV Minutes, May 20, June 10, Aug. 12, 1961, Sept. 15, 1962; CNC Catalogue: 1971–1972, 17–19, in Publications File: Associated and Branch Campuses, CNC Bulletin Series; CNC: Self-Study, 1975, 243, in Publications File: Branch Colleges—CNC, box F-T. New buildings were Christopher Newport Hall (1964), Gosnold Hall for sciences (1965), the Ratcliffe Gymnasium (1967), the Captain John Smith Hall for library and administration (1968), and Wingfield Hall classroom building (1970).
  69. Cunningham interview with author, Jan. 26, 1991; BOV resolution honoring Cunningham, May 15, 16, 1970; Herrmann Oral History, 12.
  70. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, Feb. 11, May 28, 1966. The General Assembly removed the two-year limitation on Christopher Newport and Richard Bland College in 1966.
  71. BOV policy statement on the purpose and future goals of CNC, Jan. 6, 1968; revised policy statement, Feb. 9, 1968, both in folder CNC, 1967–68, box 15, Paschall Papers; BOV Minutes, Nov.16, 1968, Mar.15, Nov. 21, 22, 1969. Early concentrations included biology, business administration, English, government, history, psychology and sociology. Jane Carter Webb, ed., Voices (Newport News: Sailing Association Press, 1986), 18, erroneously described Paschall's alleged opposition to the escalation. To the contrary, Paschall consistently supported four-year status for Christopher Newport to the Board, the State Council, and citizens' groups, e.g., Irving L. Fuller [executive vice-president of Peninsula Chamber of Commerce] to Paschall, Mar. 5, 1968, box 21, Graves Papers, 1979.84, praised him on forcefully presenting his arguments for escalation. Similarly, Board member Marian Moncure Duncan, in Oral History, 29, said that the Board was not reluctant but rather, followed a cautious, step-at-a-time approach to escalation.
  72. BOV minutes, May 20, 21, 22, 1971; CNC Self-Study, 1975, v.
  73. Report of the Committee to Evaluate the Branch Colleges: CNC, 1967, folder CNC, box 16, Paschall Papers, and also in Publications File: Committees—C-D; CNC Self-Study, 1975, 44–45, 47, 50, 279; BOV Minutes, Jan. 8, 1971. Christopher Newport's SAT scores averaged 937 in 1971; William and Mary's, 1231.
  74. Cunningham to Paschall, Feb. 2, 1970, folder CNC, 1965–70, box 15, Paschall Papers. Cunningham became headmaster of the Pingry School, an outstanding preparatory school in Hillside, New Jersey.
  75. BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 1963; Richard Bland College Self-Study: 1978, 98–99, 102; RBC Catalogue: 1964–1965, 15, both in Publications File: Associated and Branch Campuses, RBC. In 1967 two new buildings—the Campus Center and Ernst Hall for classrooms and laboratories—opened.
  76. Report of the Committee to Evaluate the Branch Colleges: RBC, 1967, in Publications File: Committees—C-D. Richard Bland's SAT scores averaged 845 in 1966–67, in folder Statistics, Publications File: Associated and Branch Campuses, RBC. BOV Minutes, Sept. 11–12, 1970.
  77. Herrmann Oral History, 12; RBC Self-Study: 1978, 7.
  78. BOV Minutes, Jan. 30, 31, Feb. 16, 1970. General Assembly delegate from Petersburg W. Roy Smith, the city councils of Petersburg and Colonial Heights, the Petersburg Chamber of Commerce, and the Tri-City William and Mary Education Foundation led the demand for escalation. Paul D. Welch to Paschall, Jan. 28, 1970; J. C. Kirkpatrick, Jr., to Paschall, Jan. 28, 1970, both in folder RBC, 1962–72, box 25, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  79. Deposition of Paschall and James B. McNeer, Jan. 18, 1971, in the U.S. District Court in the eastern district of Virginia in the case of Ethel M. Morris, et al., v. State Council of Higher Education, et al.; brief on behalf of the BOV and James M. Carson, Feb. 1, 1971, both in folder RBG—Correspondence with the Director, box 54, Paschall Papers; reports on the Richard Bland litigation, BOV Minutes, Sept. 11, 12, Nov. 6, 7, 1970, Jan. 8, May 20, 21, 22, 1971; Flat Hat, Feb. 16, Apr. 2, May 14, 1971.
  80. “RBC of CWM: Information for the Committee on Two-Year Colleges of the BOV of the CWM,” [1963], folder RBC—Report to the Committee on Two-Year Colleges, box 53, Paschall Papers; Self-Study: 1964, 249; Report of the Committee to Evaluate the Branch Colleges: CNC, 41–43, and RBC, 35–38, Apr. 1967, Publications File: Committees—C-D; James Oral History, 16. The 1967 report gave an especially dismal appraisal of Richard Bland's students, faculty, administration, and programs and feared the school's shortcomings would "tarnish" WIiliam and Mary's name.
  81. Floyd Thompson, director of NASA's Langley Research Center, met with Board rector James Robertson, on November 24, 1961, to explore William and Mary's directing the project. Robertson's report of the meeting, and William H. McFarlane to Thompson, Dec. 7, 1961, both in BOV Minutes, Dec. 9, 1961; Acts of Assembly: 1962, chap. 602. The Board accepted a joint agreement with UVA and VPI for VARC, in BOV Minutes, May 19, 1962.
  82. A grant from NASA enabled the College to hire additional physicists and graduate assistants and to obtain more modem equipment. BOV Minutes, May 11, 1963; Alumni Gazette 31 (Dec. 1963): 10–11.
  83. McFarlane had been director of the State Council of Higher Education from 1958 to 1964, when he became director of VARC. Biographical information in folder William H. McFarlane, box 68, Paschall Papers. At the dedication ceremonies on Aug. 29, 1963, the federal government conveyed the site for VARC to the Commonwealth of Virginia. Program in folder Dedication of Site, box 66, Paschall Papers.
  84. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1966; Flat Hat, Dec. 9,1966; Self-Study: 1974, 354–56.
  85. SREL, annual reports; 1968, 1969; SREL brochure, all in Publications with author, Mar. 4, 1991.
  86. Simpkins Oral History, 28–29; Robert Siegel Oral History, 17–18. R. G. Winter to Paschall, Nov. 15, 28, 1966; Siegel to Paschall, Oct. 24, 1966, all in folder VARC—Administration, box 66, Paschall Papers, complained about the unsatisfactory work of the director, who was soon asked to resign. Also, a dispute erupted between UVA, which wanted to award graduate degrees for work done solely at the VARC site, and VPI and W&M, which did not. Paschall to BOV, Aug. 7, 1967, folder VARC—Correspondence, box 66, Paschall Papers.
  87. BOV Minutes, Aug. 11, 12, Nov. 18, 1967, May 31, 1968; Godwin to Paschall, Aug. 18, 1967, in BOV Minutes, Sept. 9, 1967; Flat Hat, Sept. 22, 1967; Faculty Minutes, Sept. 9, 1967. Plan for reorganization of VARC in BOV Minutes, Sept. 9, 1967. Siegel Oral History, 18, 29, credits Paschall's skill in gaining control of VARC, which was considered a coup for William and Mary. Mcfarlane soon resigned and joined the University of Virginia faculty. Mcfarlane to Paschall, Dec. 18, 1967, in BOV Minutes, Jan. 6, 1968.
  88. Paschall had responded to suggestions from VARC's Scientific Advisory Committee, meeting, Feb. 14, 1969, and from Resident Faculty to Presidents of lnstitutions Supporting the VARC program, Feb. 20, 1969, and to community and political pressure, Lewis McMurran to Paschall, Feb. 13, 1969, all in folder VARC—Governing Committee Meeting, Feb. 14, 1969, box 67, Paschall Papers. The changes were spelled out in Godwin memo, May 9, 1969, in FAS Minutes, May 13, 1969; Warren Heemann to Francis B. Smith [NASA], Nov. 7, 1969; Smith to Heemann, [Nov. 1969), both in BOV Minutes, Jan. 30, 31, 1970; press release, Jan. 31, 1970, folder Grants, 1962–69, box 35, Paschall Papers.
  89. Acts of Assembly: 1962, chap. 406; Gov. Albertis S. Harrison, Jr., to Paschall, July 17, 1962; Paschall to Harrison, July 23, 1962, both in folder Albertis S. Harrison, Jr.—Gov. of Va., box 36, Paschall Papers; VIMS—Historical Highlights, Apr. 21, 1967, in BOV Minutes, Aug. 12, 1967.
  90. VIMS: Development of the Program in Marine Science at William and Mary, [1964], folder VIMS—History, box 69, Paschall Papers; VIMS—Historical Highlights; Catalogue: 1961–1962, 181–82, 298–301; Catalogue: 1963–1964, 200–205; Catalogue: 1964–1965, 213; Alumni Gazette 36 (May 1969): 10–11; Paschall to Mcfarlane, Apr. 6, 1964; Mcfarlane to Paschall, Apr. 15, 1964, both in BOV Minutes, May 9, 1964; Hutcheson to Paschall, Apr. 1, 1964, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers.
  91. Future Development of Virginia's Oceanography Programs: A Report to the State Council of Higher Education for Virginia, May 10, 1967, in BOV Minutes, Aug. 12, 1967; Prince B. Woodward to Godwin, Sept. 13, 1966; Hargis to Board of Administration of VIMS, June 16, 1967, both in folder VIMS—Oceanography Report Correspondence, box 69, Paschall Papers. Hargis vigorously challenged the report.
  92. The State Council of Higher Education rejected Paschall's proposal that William and Mary assume sole responsibility for VIMS. Paschall to Woodward, July 14, 1967, in BOV Minutes, Aug. 12, 1967. The Council met on Aug. 24, 1967 to act on the consultants' report, in BOV Minutes, Sept. 9, 1967.
  93. Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 27; School of Marine Science Catalogue: 1971–1972, 80.
  94. Minutes of the Board of Administration of VIMS, Dec. 20, 1968, folder VIMS—Miscellaneous, box 69, Paschall Papers; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 275; Hargis, VIMS, 15, 17, 19. The new buildings at Gloucester Point were Davis Hall (1961) and Byrd Hall (1969).
  95. "Half a Century of Books," passim; Stephen G. Kurtz, report of the director: 1970–71, appendix 5, Kellock Library, IEAHC. The University of North Carolina Press published the Institute's books until 1969, when Atheneum Publishers of New York briefly took over the task.
  96. Lester J. Cappon, reports of the director: 1960–69, folders 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, box 13, Cappon Papers, WMM; Kurtz, report of the director: 1970–71; Alumni Gazette 31 (May 1964): 20–22; Paschall, "A Five Year Report," Alumni Gazette 33 (Oct. 1965): 20; Cappon Oral History, 97, 99, 108–15, CWF; Carlisle H. Humelsine to Paschall, Sept. 30, 1963; Paschall to Humelsine, Oct. 1, 1963, both in BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 1963; "News Letters from the IEAHC," folder 3, box 12, Cappon Papers.
  97. A doctorate in early American history was "the one degree [program] that I had aspired for when I came to the College" as president, confided Paschall to Rector Hutcheson, May 15, 1964, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers.
  98. Lawrence W. Towner left the Institute in 1962 to become director of the Newberry Library in Chicago; William W. Abbot accepted a teaching post at UVA in 1966. BOV Minutes, Nov. 10, 1962, May 28, 1966; Cappon, report of the director. 1959–60, folder Reports to the President, 1959–60, box 32, A. D. Chandler Papers; Kurtz, report of the director: 1970–71.
  99. BOV Minutes, June 11, 1960. Two years later the Board reaffirmed its support and authorized raising private funds to finance the project, in Minutes, Sept. 15, 1962.
  100. Cappon, reports of the director: 1966–67, 1967–68; Flat Hat, Sept. 23, 1966. A grant from the General Services Administration (GSA) and matching state funds financed beginning the project. J. E. Moody (GSA) to Paschall, July 7, 1966, in BOV Minutes, Sept. 10, 1966; Rod Kreger (GSA) to Paschall, Dec. 31, 1969, in BOV Minutes, Jan. 30, 1970.
  101. Cappon Oral History, 101–3; Cappon, reports of the director: 1967–68, 1968–69; Kurtz, report of the director: 1970–71; Meigs research grant for IEAHC, Dec. 11, 1967, in BOV Minutes, May 30, 31, 1969; governor's authorization for accepting grant in BOV Minutes, Jan. 6, 1968.
  102. BOV resolution, May 30, 31, 1969; Cappon Oral History, 103–4. Cappon to Humelsine and Paschall, Mar. 22, 1967, folder IEAHC, box 39, Paschall Papers, had suggested lining up a successor before he reached age seventy in 1970. Kurtz was named director-designate in 1968.
  103. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1966; Moss Oral History, 147–52; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 33; Self Study: 1974, 360–61; Kernodle Oral History, 40–43; Catalogue: 1971–1972, 317; Moss interview with author, Feb. 24, 1991.
  104. BOV Minutes, June 1, 1968; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 24.
  105. Master plan of Feb. 1961 in Paschall, "Blueprint for Progress"; BOV Minutes, Jan. 5, Mar. 23, 1963; Flat Hat, May 19, 1961, Oct. 19, 1962, Mar. 22, 1968; Paschall interview with author, Oct. 8, 1990.
  106. Descriptions of the new building projects are in Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 10–17; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 36–37; Paschall Oral History, 70–79; Alumni Gazette 32 (Mar. 1965): 5–7; 33 (Oct. 1965): 39; 33 (Mar. 1966): 5–8; 34 (May 1967): 4–5, 10; 35 (Oct. 1967): 12–14; 36 (Mar. 1969): 5–6; 37 (May 1970): 7; Flat Hat, May 17, 1963, Sept. 30, Oct. 14, 1966. The beauty of one landscaping project, Crim Dell, drew praise from local groups such as the Williamsburg Garden Club. Mrs. Thomas E. Thome to Paschall, Aug. 20, 1966, folder W-General, 1966–68, box 70, Paschall Papers.
  107. In an agreement of July 1, 1968, CW raised its maintenance fees to $3,000 a year, folder CW, Inc., 4, box 1, Office of the Vice-President for Business Affairs Files, 1978.2; and folder CW, 3, box 3, ibid., 1983.27.
  108. The Department of the Interior designated the Wren Building a National Historic Landmark on Oct. 28, 1961, in BOV Minutes, Dec. 9, 1961.
  109. Humelsine to Paschall, Apr. 26, 1965; Paschall to Humelsine, Apr. 28, 1965, both in BOV Minutes, May 8, 1965; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 70–72; BOV Minutes, Jan. 5, 1963, Sept. 25, 1965, Feb. 11, 1966, Sept. 28, 1968; Faculty Minutes, Oct.11, 1966; Alumni Gazette 31 (May 1964): 6–11; 35 (Oct.1967): 14; 35 (May 1968): 15–19, 24.
  110. BOV Minutes, Sept. 27, 1968, Sept. 11, 1970; FAS Minutes, Dec. 9, 1969; folder Eastern State Property—Master Plan, box 6, Vice-President for Business Affairs Office Files, 1983.27. Paschall' s master plan for the Eastern State Hospital property projected a Continuing Education Center, faculty and graduate student housing, an artificial lake, and a nine-hole golf course.
  111. BOV Minutes, Jan. 5, May 11, Sept. 7, 1963, Jan. 11, Sept. 12, Nov. 14, 1964, Feb. 11, May 28, 1966, Sept. 11, 1970. English to Paschall, memo, Mar. 13, 1968, in Subject File, Buildings and Grounds—Land Owned Off Campus—ESH Property, gives the chronology from 1938 to 1968 of William and Mary's slowly acquiring the Eastern State tract.
  112. Alumni Gazette 33 (Mar. 1966): 5–8; Flat Hat, Mar. 8, 1963, Jan. 14, 1966. Plans for the new library are in folders Library, box 43, Paschall Papers. The library was named in honor of Earl Gregg Swem, College librarian from 1920 to 1944.
  113. James A. Servies was reference and circulation librarian from 1953 until he became head librarian in 1957. He resigned on March 1, 1966, and became director of libraries and professor of English at the University of West Florida. Flat Hat, Dec. 17, 1965, Mar. 4, 1966; Alumni Gazette 33 (Mar. 1966): 8; BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1966. James H. Renz served as acting librarian until September 1, 1966.
  114. William C. Pollard had been head of the library at the Norfolk Division, which became Old Dominion College, since 1954. Flat Hat, Sept. 23, 1966.
  115. Among the important manuscript collections were the Tucker-Coleman Papers; Senator A. Willis Robertson's Papers; and the papers of Virginia governor, and then U.S. Congressman, William Munford Tuck. W. Warner Moss was instrumental in securing the Robertson Papers. Correspondence in folder Sen. A. Willis Robertson, box 54, Paschall Papers. For manuscript acquisitions, see BOV Minutes, May 28, Sept. 10, Nov. 12, 1966, Jan. 14, 1967, Jan. 6, 1968, May 30, 1969; Pollard, report of the librarian: 1966–67, Publications File: Library. Figures from Pollard, report of the librarian: 1969–70; HEGIS Questionnaire, 1971, folder Questionnaires, 1965–72, box 5; report of the manuscripts department, July 1, 1970–June 30, 1972, folder Manuscripts Annual Reports, 1966–77, box 9, both boxes in Librarian's Files, 1983.71.
  116. Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 10; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 36.
  117. English Oral History, 11–12, 24, 28; Andrews Oral History, 38; Hooker Oral History, 14; Simpkins Oral History, 25; Armstrong Oral History, 17; Moss interview with author, Feb. 24, 1991. Philip Morris, "Walk through History on Campus," Southern Living (Sept. 1983): 82–87, reprinted in John R. Thelin, ed., Off the Rerord: Unusual Sources in the History of Higher Education (1988), points to the popular appeal of historic campuses, especially ones like William and Mary.
  118. Although the College received over $12 million in state capital outlay funds during the 1960s, it continued to lag behind the General Assembly's two major beneficiaries. The College got only 39 percent as much as UVA and 44 percent as much as VPI. In Acts ofAssembly: 1960–1970, passim.
  119. Higher Education Facilities Act of 1963, U.S. Statutes at Large, 88th Cong., 1st sess.; Higher Education Act of 1965, U.S. Statutes at Large, 89th Cong., 1st sess.; Altbach and Berdahl, eds., Higher Education, 163.
  120. Financial Report of the College of William and Mary, June 30, 1971, Publications File: Vice-President for Business Affairs.
  121. These figures combine funds controlled by the Endowment Association and the Board. Financial Reports of the College of William and Mary, June 30, 1960, June 30, 1971; Annual Report of the Treasurer, Endowment Association and College Fund, June 30, 1972, Publications File: College Development—Endowment Association. In June 1971, the Board controlled $4,786,945; the Endowment Association, $4,529,599; and its College Fund, $1,650,171, for a total of$10,966,715.
  122. Prominent among these were the Ford Foundation, Gulf Oil, Hercules, the General Electric Foundation, the Coe Foundation, the Bredin Foundation, and the Robert Earll McConnell Foundation. See BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1961, Jan. 14, 1966, Nov. 18, 1967, Nov. 15, 1968, Nov. 21, 1969; Financial Report of the College of William and Mary, June 30, 1971; folder Grants, box 4, Vice-President for Business Affairs Office Files, 1983.69.
  123. Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 58–59; Financial Reports, June 30, 1964–71; enclosure 42, BOV Minutes, Sept. 11, 12, 1970.
  124. Self-Study: 1964, 49–53; Paschall Oral History, 107; Paschall, "Five-Year Report," 10. Paschall had long planned a reorganization but waited until the Self-Study and the visitation committee of the SACS recommended it so there would be "minimum adverse reaction." Paschall to Hutcheson, May 15, 1964, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers.
  125. BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 1963, Jan. 11, Sept. 12, 1964, Jan. 9, 1965; Faculty Minutes, Sept. 16, Oct. 13, 1964, Jan. 12, 1965; Paschall Oral History, 108; Catalogue: 1964–1965, 9–10; Catalogue: 1965–1966, 9–10. Dudley M. Jensen had been at the College since 1952 and was an associate professor of physical education and coach of the swim team. James S. Kelly became director of development in 1965.
  126. BOV Minutes, Aug. 27, 1968; FAS Minutes, Sept. 18, 1968; Catalogue: 1968–1969, 9; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 7–8; Paschall Oral History, 108; Flat Hat, Sept. 20, 1968. Paschall utilized several of his professors from his student days as administrators, e.g., Jones as dean of the College; Lambert as dean of students; Fowler as dean of the faculty; as well as keeping Nunn as auditor. This provided continuity, he later said in an interview with the author, Mar. 5, 1991.
  127. The council was composed of the vice-president, his two assistants, all the deans, and the director of development. The concept was good, recalled one dean, but the council was ineffective. Quittmeyer, "Business Administration," 79. Paschall interview with author, January 24, 1991, said the council did not do much and was an attempt to thwart any possible move by the faculty for a senate.
  128. BOV Minutes, Sept. 5, 6, 1969; Self-Study: 1974, 25–34; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 40–42, 85–86; Catalogue: 1960–1961, 11–12; Catalogue: 1970–1971, 8–11; Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 8–9; Jones Oral History, 141,148. Carter O. Lowance had long experience in state politics, but when Republican Governor A. Linwood Holton took office in 1970, Lowance resigned and came to the College. Carter O. Lowance Oral History, 3–5; Alumni Gazette 37 (Mar.1970): 11; Flat Hat, Feb. 6, 1970.
  129. Paschall Oral History, 131.
  130. Paschall interview with author, Feb. 18, 1991.
  131. English Oral History, 31; Fowler Oral History, 151–52; Mason Oral History, 8; S. Dean Olson, foreword to Kale and Smith, Paschall:, Richard Brooks interview with author, Feb. 2, 1991; Dudley Jensen interview with author, Feb. 26, 1991; Paschall interview with author, Mar. 5, 1991.
  132. BOV bylaws, 1962, in Publications File: BOV By-Laws, 1962–68; BOV Minutes, Feb. 11, 1966.
  133. BOV Minutes, 1962–71, passim; Hutcheson to J.B. Woodward, June 30, 1964, folder Sterling Hutcheson, box 38, Paschall Papers. Another Board member, W. Brooks George, commended Paschall for his "hard work and capable leadership." George to Paschall, June 11, 1964, folder W. Brooks George, box 34, Paschall Papers.
  134. James Oral History, 31.
  135. Physics professor, then dean of graduate studies, Robert T. Siegel, recalled that Paschall had often told him that he hoped that the College could develop into a quality institution such as Princeton—a real university. Siegel Oral History, 16; Siegel interview with author, Mar. 4, 1991.
  136. Faculty Minutes, May 9, 1967; BOV Minutes, May 27, 1967; State Council of Higher Education, Policy Statement, Jan. 1968, in enclosure 52, BOV Minutes, June 1, 1968; Paschall interview with author, Jan. 24, 1991. For Jefferson's views on William and Mary, see Ludwell H. Johnson III, "Et Tu, Thomas? A New Perspective on Jefferson," W&M Magazine, 58 (Winter 1991): 23–25.
  137. Kale and Smith, Paschall, 114–15.
  138. David Riesman and Verne A Stadtman, eds., Academic Transformation: Seventeen Institutions under Pressure (New York: McGraw Hill, 1973), 2–3, 7–8, 51; Seymour Martin Lipset, Rebellion in the University (Boston: Little, Brown, 1972), xiv, xix, 3, 10; Altbach and Berdahl, eds., Higher Education, 101.
  139. See Flat Hat, Nov. 5, 1965, Feb. 25, 1966, June 13, 1967, Feb. 16, 23, May 10, Oct. 4, 11, 1968, Sept. 26, Oct. 17, Nov. 7, 14, 1969, for descriptions of various peace activities.
  140. Lipset, Rebellion, 44–47.
  141. Flat Hat, May 5, 8, Oct. 23, 1970; BOV Minutes, May 15, 16, 1970; Fowler Oral History, 129–30; Martha Slud, "Stop, Hey, What's That Sound?" Jump! (May 1990): 14–17. The faculty voted against a strike but allowed students to take final grades based on work done prior to May 6 or to take the final exams and complete other classwork. FAS Minutes, May 7, 12, 1970.
  142. E.g., Flat Hat, Nov. 5, Dec. 10, 1965, Mar. 11, 1966; Moss Oral History, 166–68; Lambert Oral History, 137. Students had their first taste of success when a sit-in in April 1964 convinced the librarian to keep the library open an extra hour a day.
  143. Flat Hat, Oct. 6, Nov. 10, 17, Dec. 1, 15, 1967, Feb. 9, 1968. Paschall to H. Lester Hooker, Sr., Nov. 22, 1967, folder H. Lester Hooker, box 37, Paschall Papers, denied rumors that he was letting down on the rules, which would stay the same.
  144. Flat Hat,Jan. 12, 1968; FAS Minutes, Feb. 13, 1968.
  145. The American Civil Liberties Union had begun the concept of a statement on student freedom and rights in 1961. The AAUP followed suit in 1964, and its local chapter modified it the next year. Various College groups studied the statement for several years. (Fowler to Paschall, Jan. 17, 1966, folder Statement on Student Freedom, box 62, Paschall Papers, enclosed the FAC's version of Jan. 4, 1966.) Simultaneously, other national organizations such as the American Association of Colleges, the National Students Association, and the Association of Governing Boards added to the idea. Finally, the American Association of Colleges' statement was ready on January 19, 1968, and the College's General Cooperative Committee studied it during the spring, adopted it as the Joint Statement on Rights and Freedom of Students, and urged the president and the Board to act on it quickly. Chronology in BOV Minutes, June 1, 1968. The Board, feeling that such a statement should detail responsibilities as well as rights, asked Paschall to revise it. Board member R. William Arthur to Paschall, Sept. 16, 1968, folder R. William Arthur, box 3, Paschall Papers, gave the president full credit for thinking of combining responsibilities with rights. The Board approved the final statement on July 27, 1968, Minutes; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 51–53; Lambert Oral History, 104–5.
  146. The statement covered such topics as access to education, classroom conduct, confidentiality of records, student affairs (orderly environment, free speech, peaceful assembly), publications, and involvement in College life.
  147. FAS Minutes, Nov. 12, 1968; BOV Minutes, Sept. 28, Nov. 16, 1968, Jan. 10, 11, May 30, 31, Sept. 5, 6, 1969; Paschall to Arthur, Nov. 20, 1968, folder R. William Arthur, box 3, Paschall Papers; Paschall Oral History, 122; Paschall to Melville Jones, July 31, 1969, folder Statement on Rights and Responsibilities Committee, Aug. 1969, box 62, Paschall Papers; Alumni Gazette 37 (Oct. 1969): 19; Flat Hat, Sept. 20, 27, Oct. 11, 18, Nov. 1, Dec.13, 1968, Jan. 10, Feb. 7, May 9, Sept.19, 26, Oct. 3, 1969; "Time-Out Day," folder BOV—Time Out 1968, box 7, Paschall Papers; Student Handbook (W&M, 1970), 24–34. Paschall had had extensive correspondence with Lauren Selden, executive director of the ACLU of Virginia in May 1969 about the College's efforts to modify the statement, folder American Civil Liberties Union of America, box 2, Paschall Papers. Board member R. Harvey Chappell, Jr., Oral History, 23, evaluated it as a "grand statement ... [which] really didn't amount to anything," a view shared by another Board member, Ernest W. Goodrich, in an interview with author, October 14, 1991.
  148. Paschall reporting to BOV, Minutes, May 15, 16, 1970; FAS Minutes, Mar. 11, Apr. 15, 1969, Oct. 13, 1970; Alumni Gazette 37 (Oct. 1969): 19; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 49–50; Lambert Oral History, 103–4. Rules modifications in folder BSA, 1, box 1, Vice-President for Business Affairs Office Files, 1983.27. Brubacher and Rudy, Higher Education in Transition, 375–76, found a vast majority of colleges allowed students to participate in policy making by 1969.
  149. Violations of the rules included protests, sit-ins, refusals to sign in, and petitions. Flat Hat, Feb. 14, 21, 28, Mar. 7, Apr. 11, 18, May 16, 1969. Paschall responded by warning that all students signing the letter would have to prove their charges in front of the president and their own parents.
  150. The Special Committee to Study College Disciplinary Regulations, chaired by Thad W. Tate, pointed to the detrimental effects of strict social regulations and discipline. Report in FAS Minutes, Apr. 22, 1969.
  151. A new activist group, the Student Action Movement, protested the revised rights statement and a host of unresolved social issues by leading a walkout at the opening convocation. A local chapter of the ACLU began organizing; agitation started for the Vietnam Moratorium Day; and action to end the ban on open houses intensified. See Flat Hat, Sept. 19, 26, Oct. 3, 24, 1969.
  152. Chronology in Nancy Terrill to faculty, Oct. 29, 1969, loose in box 7, Paschall Papers, and in Report of the Ad Hoc Committee to Investigate the Dorm-In, 3–11, 27, appendix 3, FAS Minutes, Jan. 13, 1970. The Individual Notice cited the College regulation forbidding entertainment of the opposite sex in students' rooms. Suspended students could appeal to the Board. The Notice is appendix C of the Ad Hoc Committee's report, 49–50.
  153. Flat Hat, Oct. 29, 31, 1969; FAS Minutes, Oct. 29, 1969, and folder Faculty—Miscellaneous, 1964–69, box 31, Paschall Papers; BOV Minutes, Nov. 7, 8, 21, 22, 1969; BOV hearings on Dorm-In, Nov. 7, 8, 1969, folder BOV, Nov. 7, 8, 1969 (Dorm-In), box 7, Paschall Papers; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 50–51. A Flat Hat poll, Nov. 14, 1969, revealed that 96 percent of the students favored open houses and 56 percent disapproved of the way the president handled his duties. More recently, Paschall acknowledged that he made a mistake in bypassing the Discipline Committee, in Kale and Smith, Paschall, 166.
  154. Open letter from Assistant Vice-President John E. Donaldson, in Flat Hat, Oct. 31, 1969; letter from Dean of Men Carson Barnes, in Flat Hat, Nov. 7, 1969; FAC to Paschall, Nov. 6, 1969; and Paschall to Faculties of W&M, Nov. 11, 1969, both in FAS Minutes, Nov. 11, 1969. Barnes's speech to Kiwanis Club, Dec. 5, 1969, in Flat Hat, Feb. 6, 1970. Barnes had also written to Dean of the Faculty Fowler, November 15, 1969, condemning Fowler and the Faculty Affairs Committee for criticizing the administration.
  155. FAS Minutes, Jan. 13, 1970, Ad Hoc Committee's report, 25, 30, 36–37, 41. The report also pointed to antiquated social regulations and recommended giving students a large role in overhauling them. Roger Smith chaired the seven-person committee. The faculty endorsed the report on Jan. 20, 1970.
  156. FAS Minutes, Feb. 10, 1970; Flat Hat, Feb. 6, 13, 1970. Paschall, interview with author, Mar. 25, 1991, said that he appointed Barnes because of his seniority and ability. Barnes had, Paschall felt, unjustifiably become a scapegoat.
  157. Opinion in Buehler v. Paschall, et al., in Flat Hat, Apr. 10, 1970; Lambert Oral History, 109–11, 138.
  158. Flat Hat, Apr. 3, 17, 1970; Alumni Gazette 37 (May 1970): 8. Rules were tight when the policy went into effect in September 1970: to invite members of the opposite sex to their dorm rooms students had to have the approval of their roommates and of the majority of residents, have a registration system, provide separate rest rooms, and have a housemother or resident counselor in the dorm. Paschall to students, Sept. 9, 1970, "Conditions Governing Open Houses," folder Self-Determination, box 1, Dean of Student Affairs Office Files, 1988.119. The rules were identical to those announced the previous April. See report of student affairs committee of the BOV, Sept. 1, 1970, loose in box 6, Paschall Papers. The Board reaffirmed the policy, Minutes, Sept. 11, 12, 1970. The rules were soon flaunted. Barnes to Lambert, Feb. 7, 1971, folder Self-Determination, box 1, Dean of Student Affairs Office Files, 1988.119, told of an impromptu walk-through of dorms the previous night. He described the disgusting conditions, drug usage, obscenities painted on walls, and screams like those in a psychiatric ward.
  159. BOV Minutes, May 30, 31, 1969; Paschall's statement, BOV Minutes, May 20, 21, 22, 1971; Flat Hat, Apr. 2, 1971. The Board, Minutes, Nov. 16, 1968, had gotten especially incensed at one headline entitled "Bored of Visitors."
  160. In its manifestations of activism, the College was similar to institutions such as Vanderbilt and the University of Georgia, where the administration tried to anticipate and prevent violence, and protests remained peaceful. See Conkin, Vanderbilt, passim, and Thomas G. Dyer, The University of Georgia: A Bicentennial History, 1785–1985 (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1985), postscript. There was no local chapter of the Students for a Democratic Society which had spawned a strike and occupied buildings at Columbia in 1968. See Richard E. Peterson, "The Student Left in American Higher Education," in Seymour Martin Lipset and Philip G. Altbach, eds., Students in Revolt (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1969), 202–3. The College escaped the arson and riots of Stanford, the mob violence of Berkeley, the armed confrontation of Cornell, the bombing homicide of Wisconsin, and above all, the massacre of Kent State. In Riesman and Stadtman, Academic Transformation, 303; Brubacher and Rudy, Higher Education in Transition, 349–50.
  161. E.g., a poll of parents showed that most favored curfews; Board member E. Ralph James (to Paschall, Feb. 20, 1969, folder E. Ralph James, box 39, Paschall Papers) had urged the president to state that the administration would not be coerced; Ernest W. Goodrich (Oral History, 19, and in interview with author, Oct. 14, 1991), noted that the Board opposed such student freedoms as dorm visitation; and the General Assembly passed a resolution in February 1971 directing college administrators to take a hard look at open house regulations because of deteriorating morals. Paschall Oral History, 124; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 55–56.
  162. A student poll mirrored shifting public opinion and suggested ending racial barriers for admission, in Flat Hat, May 3, 10, 1963. Paschall statement in Faculty Minutes, Jan. 8, 1963. Fifteen years earlier the College had cancelled a tennis match with Dartmouth because the latter had a black player.
  163. Civil Rights Act of 1964, U.S. Statutes at Large, 88th Cong., 2d sess.; Cremin, Metropolitan Experience, 263.
  164. Faculty Minutes, Nov. 8, 1966, Dec. 12, 1967, Nov. 12, 1968; Flat Hat, Sept. 22, Oct. 20, 1967; Fowler Oral History, 133. See "Black Presence at William and Mary," in Subject File, Students—Minorities.
  165. FAS Minutes, Apr. 9, May 14, 1968; Flat Hat, Feb. 12, 1968.
  166. Eloise Severinson to Paschall, Nov. 26, 1968; Paschall to Severinson, Dec. 31, 1968, both in BOV Minutes, Jan. 10, 11, 1969; Severinson to Paschall, Oct. 16, 1969, in BOV Minutes, Nov. 21, 22, 1969; Paschall to Severinson, Mar. 27, May 14, 1969, both in BOV Minutes, May 30, 31, 1969.
  167. Paschall to all deans, department heads, and supervisory personnel, June 29, 1970, folder Committee on the Status of Women, box 8, Graves Papers, 1978.1.
  168. Paschall informational statement, [Oct. 1, 1970], folder HEW—Informational Statement; Severinson to Paschall, Apr. 7,July 1, 1970; Paschall to Severinson, July 27, 1970, all in folder HEW—Dr. Severinson's Correspondence with W&M; Severinson to Paschall, Oct. 1, 1970, folder Dr. Severinson's Letter, all folders in box 36, Paschall Papers; FAS Minutes, Nov. 10, 1970; Paschall, "Events, Developments," 56–60; Jerry van Voorhis to Daniel E. Marvin,Jr., Dec. 14, 1973, folder State Council of Higher Education, to Dec. 31, 1973, box 6, Vice-President for Business Affairs Office Files, 1978.2.
  169. Flat Hat, Oct. 13, 1970.
  170. Lillian Poe was the assistant dean of admissions and a doctoral candidate in history. Flat Hat, Sept. 25, 1970.
  171. Estimates varied because the College no longer required photos or racial identification with applications. Paschall told the Board that there were about forty black students, in Minutes, May 16, 1970.
  172. Catalogue: 1970–1971, viii.
  173. BOV Minutes, Nov. 6, 7, 1970. Paschall was one of dozens of college presidents who resigned in the wake of the stormy activism era.
  174. Roger H. Hull Oral History, 1, 9, said that he was one-such new appointee. At twenty-seven, he was the youngest person ever named to the Board. He had no prior connection with the College but was a friend of Holton. During 1970 there were negative votes against some of Paschall's proposals—which may have been a first for him.
  175. Olson interview with author, Feb. 26, 1991.
  176. Paschall interview with author, Oct. 8, 1990.
  177. Fisher, Tack, and Wheeler, Effective President, 68–71, 75, 81–90, pointed to many traits of the effective college president that Paschall exhibited: he was a hard worker, a risk taker; he did not rely on popularity, collegiality, or consensus; he supported adequate pay and went around organizational charts to attack problems directly. Committed to higher education in general, Paschall had confidence in his own ability to lead the College down new paths. In personal values, Paschall had such attributes as commitment, respect for others, intelligence, and astuteness. In leadership style, he was proactive, decisive, and well prepared. In dealing with others, he was warm and friendly with a sense of humor, self-controlled, and he usually eschewed outright manifestations of power. On the negative side (ibid., 71, 77, 83), Paschall did not encourage dissonance, fell short in communications, and did not fully utilize the talents of his subordinates.
  178. For a brief overview of the Paschall era, see Susan H. Godson, “The Golden Decade,” W&M Magazine 59 (Summer 1991): 14–17.
  179. BOV Minutes, May 20, 21, 22, 1971.

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