Part VI

The Modern College
1945–1985

4

In Pursuit of “Excellence”
A Better University
1971–1985

Since the end of World War II, each president of William and Mary had altered the College’s basic mission: first, it was a small liberal arts institution; then, a multicampus system; and finally, a small university. The next president would bring no major change in mission but would, instead, strengthen those elements that partially define university status: the graduate and professional programs. At the same time, a strong undergraduate liberal arts program would remain the College’s fundamental purpose.

Continuing the Mission

After President Davis Y. Paschall announced in November 1970 that he planned to retire the following August, the faculty of arts and sciences immediately pressed for a collegewide committee to conduct a thorough search for a new president.[1] The Board of Visitors concurred and Rector Ernest W. Goodrich named five Board members, three faculty, two students, and two Society of the Alumni board members as the first presidential search committee since the 1942 election of John E. Pomfret.[2]

Goodrich chaired the committee; retiring Vice-President for Academic Affairs W. Melville Jones served as coordinator. Charged with submitting five names for the Board’s consideration, the committee met frequently during the winter and spring of 1971. It quickly compiled a list of 224 possible candidates and also reviewed 89 names from Harvard University’s recent presidential search.[3] Rebuffing a move to submit only the name of early favorite Blake T. Newton, Jr., the committee narrowed the list to five names, which it presented to the Board on May 21. Thomas A Graves, Jr., ranked first.[4]

After interviewing the two front-runners, Graves and Newton, again the next day, the Board declined to accept the search committee’s recommendation of Graves. Instead, each Board member cast a secret, written ballot to decide on one of these two men.[5] Of the fifteen members voting, one man, Harry L. Snyder, had to leave before the balloting began. Assured that his proxy would count, he entrusted it to Rector Goodrich. When the remaining votes were tallied, there were seven each for Graves and Newton, and the rector announced a tie. Puzzled Board members tried to unravel the mathematical mystery of a seven-to-seven tie when fifteen people had voted. Goodrich then produced the proxy and said, “Here in my pocket is Harry Snyder’s vote, and it is for Newton.” But Vice-Rector R. Harvey Chappell, Jr., stated that Snyder’s vote could not be included because the rector had already announced a tie and because the Board’s bylaws made no provisions for proxies. Had the proxy been counted, Newton would have won on the first ballot.[6]

After a heated discussion between the rector, who emphasized the Board’s authority to choose anyone it wished, and Vice-President Jones, the coordinator, who stoutly supported the search committee’s choice of Graves, the Board voted again. A switch by one member and disregarding the proxy tipped the vote to eight for Graves, six for Newton, and the Board then politely made the election unanimous.[7]

Who was this man who had been so narrowly elected as president of William and Mary? Born on July 3, 1924, in Buffalo, New York, Thomas Ashley Graves, Jr., brought impressive credentials to his new post. After serving in the United States Navy during World War II, he graduated from Yale University, then earned a master of business administration degree and in 1958, a doctor of business administration degree, both from Harvard University. His doctoral dissertation was about educational administration, and he later wrote several articles on this topic. While at Harvard, he became assistant dean and associate director of the doctoral program of the graduate school.

From 1960 to 1964 Graves directed the International Management Development Institute in Lausanne, Switzerland. For the next three years, he was associate dean and director of the International Center for the Advancement of Management Education at Stanford University’s Graduate School of Business. In 1967 he returned to Harvard as an associate dean and remained there until called to William and Mary.[8] Graves’s education and career, then, provided still a different perspective on the presidency of the College than had the backgrounds of the other post-World War II presidents: Pomfret had been a scholar; Alvin D. Chandler had had a distinguished naval career; and Paschall had spent years in public education. The new president was an academician versed in college administration, and who also had a business management orientation. Although he lacked Paschall’s connections with the political power structure in Virginia, Graves’s business acumen seemed appropriate for the financial straits that the College, and all educational institutions, faced in the early 1970s.[9]

Coupled with intelligence and ability went a genial personality. When Graves had visited the campus in April, he had favorably impressed students, faculty, administrators, and Board members with his charm, friendliness, warmth, and intense interest in all facets of William and Mary and its liberal arts tradition.[10] The whole College community eagerly awaited its new president, and the student newspaper predicted “a new era of progressive change, spirit, and unity.”[11]

After Graves was sworn in on September 1, 1971, he quickly announced his goals: the College should provide a first-rate undergraduate liberal arts education and select graduate programs. The College’s ultimate goal, he said, should be excellence in all matters.[12] When he was inaugurated on Charter Day, February 5, 1972, Graves repeated the currently fashionable but nebulous goal of excellence as the key to the College’s development. To achieve excellence, the College must remain a small residential university; attract outstanding students; strengthen its graduate, professional, and research programs; and search for outside funding.[13] William and Mary already was, Graves thought, a good educational institution; he had no plans to change the small-university mission that Paschall had begun.[14]

It was Graves’s misfortune to come into the presidency during the economically chaotic 1970s. Gone were the halcyon days of the 1960s when the Paschall administration had benefitted from lavish funding by the state and federal governments for construction, grants, student aid, and a multitude of programs. Instead, Graves faced an era dominated by several recessions, oil shortages brought on by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries, and the resulting double-digit inflation. Such federal remedies as enforced wage and price controls and freezes or later, voluntary controls, only exacerbated the nation’s economic woes, and in turn, adversely affected the commonwealth’s economy and the College’s budget. Consequently, Graves would spend his years as president in search of funds as well as excellence.[15]

To help Graves and William and Mary pursue their goals, the decennial self-study, mandated by the College’s accrediting body, the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools, got under way in 1972, and Graves named Martin A. Garrett, associate professor of economics, as chairman of the study’s steering committee.[16] The study described William and Mary as the prototype of a “miniversity.” The College’s primary mission was undergraduate liberal arts education, and select graduate programs.[17]

Before the report was even complete, a threat arose to the College’s determination to remain a small, residential institution. The State Council of Higher Education for Virginia had commissioned Donald Shaner Associates to study such aspects as business practices and classroom usage at all state institutions. At William and Mary the building boom of the 1960s had produced an abundance of classroom space, which the Shaner Report recommended utilizing to accommodate ten thousand students—double the 1973 enrollment Graves spoke before the Virginia Commission on Higher Education and successfully defended the College against this attempt to destroy its unique mission.[18]

Soon the Self-Study Report: 1974 was ready, and among its suggestions was an administration shared by students, faculty, and administrators. To this end, a faculty senate would be helpful, as would more faculty input in running the departments and schools and more collegewide academic programs and committees. The study recommended a more diversified student body, more experimental programs, an end to sex inequalities in housing and athletics, and beginning long-range planning. For the faculty, there should be sabbaticals and more research funding. Pleased with these recommendations, Graves considered the self-study as a “map” for the College to attain “new levels of excellence.”[19]

After a visitation committee came to William and Mary in April 1974, the Southern Association soon reaffirmed the College’s accreditation. However, the group found that the College, in emphasizing its undergraduate liberal arts mission, had downplayed its character as a small university.[20] Another ten years would pass before a new self-study would appraise the College’s success in following the 1974 “map.”

Perhaps those most affected by William and Mary’s direction were the students, and during the Graves era, enrollment grew from 4,531 in 1971 to 6,640 in 1984, when there were 300 more women than men. Virginians consistently made up about 70 percent of the student body, and the mid-Atlantic states contributed the largest bloc of out-of-state students.[21] Selectivity in admissions remained the cornerstone of William and Mary’s high quality, and by the fall of 1984, only 48 percent of applicants actually enrolled, and about 53 percent were in the top 10 percent of their high school classes. Gone was the outmoded requirement that students rank in the top half of their high school classes; instead, the College now recommended a solid core of academic courses.[22] Student scores on the required SAT had peaked at 1235 in the fall of 1969, vacillated in the upper 1100s during the next decade, and were 1185 in the fall of 1984.[23] Although the decline reflected a nationwide trend, William and Mary’s lowered SATs were due, in part, to a special admissions policy begun in 1973. Under this policy, minorities, grants-in-aid athletes, and children of alumni were not held to the same rigorous standards as other students. In a few years, these special admissions comprised 23 percent of the freshman class.[24]

The College looked for more ways to attract exceptional students. In 1978 William and Mary, like many other colleges throughout the country, began admitting a few nontraditional students, who were often older, resuming an interrupted education, and attending part-time. The College also permitted some freshmen to enter after their junior year in high school and allowed a few local students to enroll in College classes while they were still in secondary school.[25]

Educational costs spiraled during the 1970s and early 1980s, and many students had to find sources of financial aid. The work-study program offered part-time jobs at the College and in Williamsburg, and the College awarded a few academic scholarships. The bulk of financial assistance came from federal, state, private, and College funds; and by 1984 grants and loans totaled over $2.4 million awarded to 857 students.[26]

By the mid-1980s postgraduate training had become a logical extension of a college education, and about 40 percent of William and Mary graduates went to a variety of professional and graduate schools. The College continued its exchange scholarships with the University of Exeter and the University of St. Andrews and also began a junior-year-abroad program. In 1984 fifty-six William and Mary students studied abroad.[27] The exchange with the University of Muenster in West Germany, begun in 1974, ended because of lack of funds. A similar fate befell the Drapers’ Company Exchange.

To establish a better rapport with students, Graves initiated the president’s hour, a time for them to stop by his office and chat. He gave them a larger role in College governance by appointing them to various committees. Although Graves favored student attendance at Board of Visitors meetings, nothing more than a student liaison committee materialized.[28] The tension that had characterized the relationship between the president and the students during the last years of the Paschall administration virtually disappeared because the root causes of student unrest—the unpopular Vietnam War and the lack of a voice in devising parietal regulations—were dissipating.

Graves believed that students should share “fully in the educational and social deliberations and decisions that affect their lives.” Students were, he said, responsible and mature, capable of sharing governance of their own lives.[29] The Twenty-Sixth Amendment to the Constitution, ratified in 1971, lowered the age of majority to eighteen and buttressed Graves’s beliefs. He rapidly removed sources of earlier student agitation.

First were dormitory visitation regulations. In the fall of 1970, Paschall had allowed open houses on weekends under strict supervision.[30] As soon as Graves became president, student pressure mounted to ease the restrictions, and in March 1972 Graves backed student proposals to abolish curfews and sign-out cards for women. The next month he liberalized dormitory visitation rules so that students themselves could determine policies and procedures for their own residence halls.[31] When the new self-determination policy became effective in September 1972, it marked the end of the in loco parentis role that the College had performed since its founding.

Another student cause from the late 1960s was the Statement of Rights and Responsibilities. An acceptable version had appeared in the Student Handbook of 1970, but as time passed, more tinkering and modifications extended protected rights. A new statement in 1973 granted rights and privileges to faculty and administrators and also included the right of confidentiality of student records, authorized by federal law. Third parties, including parents, could not have access to their children’s academic records without the students’ consent.[32] More minor changes during the next few years led to a revised Statement of Rights and Responsibilities, which was approved by the entire College community in 1977.[33]

Yet another earlier provocation of student agitation had been the student newspaper, the Flat Hat. Through inflammatory and obscene headlines, articles, and editorials, it had exacerbated student discontent. In September 1971 Graves named a Publications Council to oversee the finances, standards, and products of all student publications and of the radio station.[34] There were no more “distasteful” headlines in the Flat Hat, perhaps largely because the reasons for student unrest were waning.

With the major causes of dissent defused, students turned to less serious pursuits. Some took part in a craze sweeping American campuses in 1974: streaking. These nude runs across campus or down Richmond Road culminated in an Easter Sunday motorcycle streak by three men on a maroon Honda who disrupted an Easter egg hunt in the Common Glory parking lot. The three were arrested, then fined for disorderly conduct and failure to wear safety equipment.[35]

As the students enjoyed the relatively peaceful campus life prevailing during the Graves era, they studied under a curriculum that saw few substantive changes. The revised curriculum that went into effect in 1971 had relaxed the rigid distribution system of earlier years, but many faculty came to believe that the pendulum had swung too far in loosening degree requirements. In 1979 a general study of the curriculum began, and two years later the faculty of arts and sciences tightened it by raising the number of required area and sequence courses from eight to eleven and by adding a laboratory course in physical or biological science.[36] Area and sequence requirements continued to undergird the liberal arts education.[37] Other options developed. In addition to the standard concentration in one subject, students could, as time went on, choose interdisciplinary studies, have a double concentration, or pursue a major and a minor.[38]

In 1983 the College began a new program to strengthen weaknesses in students’ writing skills—a weakness shared with many other American students. Freshmen had to satisfy a writing requirement by either proficiency testing or classwork and also meet writing standards set by their departments or schools.[39] Other institutions such as Harvard, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and the University of Wisconsin had already begun similar programs.

Several innovations, typical in contemporary American education, broadened curricular offerings.[40] Project Plus, begun in 1972, provided a total educational experience by allowing eighty-four students to live and take some of their classes in a common residence hall.[41] Similarly, special interest residences included language houses and a creative arts house.[42] After Project Plus ended in 1981, the College began a new honors program of the multidisciplinary study of topics such as great books and works of art. Another form of honors was offering a few superior freshmen the prestigious title of Presidential Scholar. The College continued its departmental honors for outstanding concentrators and awarded them degrees with honors, high honors, and highest honors.[43]

The creation of new academic departments, which had proliferated during the 1960s, slowed, and just one addition—computer science—emerged. Initially a part of the mathematics department, computer science became a field of concentration in 1977, in spite of faculty reservations about such a major in a liberal arts college. Seven years later computer science became an independent department. Religion, which had started in 1973, was the only other new concentration.[44]

Graduate study, the primary curricular change of the Paschall years, continued to flourish with only a few additions. In 1983 the College began a doctor of psychology degree in a consortium arrangement with Old Dominion University, Eastern Virginia Medical School, and Norfolk State University. William and Mary now offered doctoral work in history, marine science, physics, Education, and law, as well as in psychology.[45] Three new master’s programs—American Studies, anthropology, and computer science—added to the wide range of advanced degrees already given.

Psychology was but one of the degrees offered in conjunction with other universities. The College maintained several other cooperative degree programs such as forestry at Duke and engineering at Columbia, Rensselaer, Case Western Reserve, and Washington University in St. Louis.[46]

As the College expanded its offerings, it failed to escape another national phenomenon: grade inflation.[47] Although William and Mary had prided itself in resisting the trend of awarding ever higher marks, such was not the case. Early in the Graves administration, dean of the faculty of arts and sciences Harold L. Fowler worried about “high grading patterns and lower performance expectancies.”[48] In 1977 the vice-president for academic affairs, George R. Healy, reassured an anxious faculty that William and Mary was at the national average in grade inflation.[49] A computer study in August 1985 revealed that from 1971 to 1984 the percentage of A’s and B’s rose from 49 to 53.5—a small but nevertheless measurable increase. A larger change was the drop in the percentage of F’s from 7.6 to 2.7.[50]

Central to all William and Mary programs was the Earl Gregg Swem Library, built in 1966 as the focal point of the new campus. Under the guidance of William C. Pollard, librarian since 1966, library services became more modernized after 1973 when the College became a charter member of the Southeastern Library Network, which provided on-line connection with the computer at Ohio College Library Center and its vast bibliographic entries. Later, the library became a part of the Libraries On Line system.[51]

Pollard resigned as librarian in 1977, and a long, acrimonious struggle to find a replacement began.[52] Finally, two years later, Canadian-born Clifford W. Currie, who had been head of the Ashmolean Library at Oxford University, assumed the post.[53] Under both Pollard and Currie, the library’s holdings soared, and by 1985 Swem Library housed 804,144 volumes, 408,722 government documents, 595,776 microforms, 9,404 audiovisuals, and 6,134 current periodicals.[54] Manuscript collections continued to expand, aided by the Distinguished Alumni Papers Project, begun in 1982, and manuscripts soon numbered about 990,000.[55] Total holdings reached 2.8 million items—up from 1.5 million in 1971. Predictably, a familiar story recurred: the library was soon filled to capacity with ever-increasing collections and numbers of students. The Board of Visitors authorized expansion of the building to include another story, but construction was not complete during the Graves administration.[56]

Like the rest of the College, the library suffered from austere times, with budget cuts and inflation taking their toll. To help generate private funds, in 1984 Currie organized the Friends of the Library of the College of William and Mary.[57] Currie retired in the summer of 1985, and the library, as well as the College itself, awaited a new chief administrator.[58]

In addition to the library, the Graves administration also turned its attention to the entire physical plant of the home campus. The building boom of the 1960s had created a whole new campus at William and Mary, and with Graves came a miniboom. Two new classroom buildings—Richard Lee Morton Hall (1972) for social sciences and Rogers Hall (1975) for chemistry and philosophy—alleviated some overcrowding of classes and faculty offices. The nine-unit Botetourt Residence Complex (1972) and the six-unit Randolph Residence Complex (1980) helped ease the housing shortage for the growing student body. A badly needed Student Health Center (1973) replaced the antiquated infirmary.[59] In 1983 the first phase of the Muscarelle Museum of Art arose to house the College’s extensive art collections.[60] The only building constructed off the main campus was the Marshall-Wythe School of Law (1980), located next to the National Center for State Courts on the land the College had acquired from Eastern State Hospital.[61] Extensive renovations, as well as new construction, upgraded the campus; and a number of dormitories, classroom buildings, sorority houses, Cary Field Stadium, and the President’s House underwent repairs and modernization. The College made many buildings accessible to the handicapped, constructed more parking lots, and built a wildlife refuge.[62]

As welcome as the buildings of the Paschall and Graves eras were, a number contained a carcinogenic substance, asbestos, commonly used as fireproof insulation. Alert faculty had obtained air samples and pressed the College to take quick action. Spurred by the threat of legal action, the Board of Visitors secured emergency funds, then appropriations from the state, and work proceeded on either removing or encapsulating the dangerous material. In 1983 the asbestos had been contained in the five buildings most seriously contaminated.[63]

To maintain the historic ancient campus, the College and Colonial Williamsburg had had an agreement since 1944, which was modified over the years. As costs continued to rise, the two institutions agreed, effective on January 1, 1974, to divide the expenses equally, and this policy continued. These agreements were characteristic of the mutually supportive and amicable relations between the two organizations.[64]

The College acquired, by gift or transfer, several major properties during Graves’s administration. The largest was Jay Winston Johns’s bequest in 1975 of President James Monroe’s 533-acre estate, Ash Lawn, in Albemarle County. This gift also included more undeveloped acreage and a house in Charlottesville, and the entire bequest was eventually valued at $1.3 million.[65] In 1980 the College acquired 38 acres and six buildings, known as James Blair Terrace (now the Dillard Complex), as a transfer from Eastern State Hospital at Dunbar. Four years later the College received the Goodwin Islands—400 acres of marshlands at the York River, valued at $5 million.[66] William and Mary not only acquired land, but it disposed of a longstanding albatross: the old College airport, bought in 1933. Graves had tried for years to find a buyer for the 240-acre tract, and finally the city of Williamsburg purchased 30 acres in 1980 and the rest five years later.[67]

To finance the cost of the physical plant as well as all other College operations, Graves had to cope with sharply curtailed monetary support from the state and federal governments. During this era of widespread economic misery-which included federal wage and price freezes in the early 1970s and subsequent state hiring and salary freezes, cuts in the College’s budgets, and reversions of funds to the state—Graves pleaded with the House of Delegates appropriations committee to restore funding.[68] To offset the diminishing public moneys, the College turned to other sources. The Board of Visitors raised tuition and general fees sharply.[69] The expansion of the physical plant was financed by state capital outlay appropriations, state-backed revenue bonds, institutional revenue bonds, and individual donors.[70] Private and corporate gifts and grants, and federal and state grants and contracts reached $5.8 million by 1985. In spite of this, the College’s debt mounted to $9.2 million.[71]

In 1972 Graves centralized all fund-raising in a single office and named Warren Heemann to the new position of vice-president for development. Heemann quickly capitalized on the bicentennial of the Declaration of Independence to encourage gifts to the “Alma Mater of a Nation.”[72] In 1976 the College launched a three-year, $19 million development campaign, and so successful was this undertaking that contributions reached $21,405,026 three years later.[73] To oversee the mushrooming private funds, the College hired two investment management firms, and under their direction, William and Mary’s endowment soared from $11 million in 1971 to $39,262,178 fourteen years later.[74] Eroding the real value of this impressive increase were skyrocketing inflation and growth of the student body. Although Graves was not optimistic about its possible effectiveness, he also named a Long Range Planning Commission in 1984 to determine the College’s needs and goals for the next decade.[75]

The Ascent of the Professional Schools

Graves also turned his attention to enhancing William and Mary’s university status, and the professional schools were a sure means to this end. In a time of inflation and high unemployment, more students gravitated toward practical professional education, and colleges throughout the country emphasized specialized career training in professional schools and departments, to the seeming detriment of the liberal arts. William and Mary was no exception to this trend.[76] During the Graves years, the four professional schools flourished, performed vital public services, and grew in students, faculty, funding, and prestige.

The oldest of these, the Marshall-Wythe School of Law, was established in 1953. Under James P. Whyte, dean from 1969 to 1975, the law school granted the juris doctor and master of law and taxation degrees; published the William and Mary Law Review, held its annual Tidewater Tax Conference for Peninsula attorneys, accountants, and businessmen; awarded the Marshall-Wythe Medallion to outstanding jurists; sponsored a summer program at the University of Exeter; and started a new moot court program. The school established two professorships—named for John Marshall and Dudley Warner Woodbridge—to recognize outstanding faculty. In 1974 the law school began participating in the national Council on Legal Education Opportunity program for disadvantaged students.[77]

A great boost in renown came in 1973 when the National Center for State Courts decided to locate its headquarters in Williamsburg.[78] This organization was established in 1971 as a clearing house and resource center for the courts of the fifty states. The College leased to the group a site of about seven acres of the land it had acquired from Eastern State Hospital, and construction of the new building was complete in 1978.[79]

The proximity of the nationally important headquarters gave added impetus for a new law school building. In 1975 the school very nearly lost its accreditation because of its inadequate facilities, library, and faculty salaries. In fact, according to an American Bar Association (ABA) consultant, William and Mary had “the most inadequate physical plant of any ABA approved law school in the country.”[80] Graves enlisted the help of Governor Mills E. Godwin and the General Assembly which, in 1976, appropriated funds for site preparation and utilities on land adjacent to the National Center for State Courts.[81] The law school kept its accreditation because a new building was imminent.[82] Funds were soon available, and the modern law school facility opened in 1980.

In the midst of the accreditation crisis, former United States Senator William B. Spong, Jr., became dean.[83] Under his leadership, enrollment reached 515 by 1984, and the number of full-time equivalent faculty, who were the highest paid at the College, rose to twenty-eight.[84] Reflecting the growing importance and autonomy of the law school, Spong was the only dean allowed to report directly to the president.[85] The law school soon revived the annual Cutler lecture by an authority on the Constitution, and in 1979, it celebrated the bicentennial of the founding of the Chair of Law and Police at William and Mary, which had been the first such chair in the United States.[86]

Like the rest of the College, the law school increasingly searched for private funds and established the Marshall-Wythe School of Law Foundation to generate support. Such funds enabled the school to construct a state-of-the-art moot courtroom in its new building, and its moot court teams consistently scored highly in regional and national competitions.[87] In 1982 additional private money financed the Institute of Bill of Rights Law to encourage scholarly research on the Bill of Rights, especially the First Amendment.[88] Other private funds provided for two more endowed professorships, bringing the total to four.[89]

Recognizing the Marshall-Wythe School of Law’s educational merits, the national Order of the Coif (the equivalent of the undergraduate Phi Beta Kappa) established a chapter at William and Mary in 1981.[90] Soon the school was named as one of the best in the country.[91] Such praise was a welcome change from the near loss of accreditation a few years earlier.

William and Mary’s fastest growing school, business administration, was established in 1968 with Charles L. Quittmeyer as dean. Even before the creation of a separate school, the College had begun offering the master of business administration in 1966. Five years later the bachelor of business administration became an undergraduate option. After students completed the arts and sciences academic requirements, the bachelor of business administration curriculum offered two subprograms: accounting and management. The school received accreditation by the American Association (later Assembly) of Collegiate Schools of Business for the undergraduate degree in 1972 and for the graduate degree two years later.[92] So appealing were the programs that by the fall of 1984, there were 372 undergraduate concentrators and 266 master’s candidates.[93] Paralleling the growth in numbers of business students, the full-time equivalent faculty doubled to reach forty-one. Like law school teachers, the business faculty earned higher salaries than their arts and sciences or Education counterparts.[94] The school received an added boost in 1982 when it moved into the old chemistry building, which had been renovated and renamed Chancellor’s Hall. Pleased with the school’s obvious success, Quittmeyer continued to stress the goal of an excellent education in business management.[95]

Not only did the school train students, but it served the broader business community as well. Directed by Leland E. Traywick from 1967 to 1984, then by Roy L. Pearson, the school’s Bureau of Business Research issued two monthly publications, the Virginia Business Report and the Williamsburg Business Index, and also conducted specialized research studies. In 1975 master of business administration students started the William and Mary Business Review. Nine years later, the business school set up the Center for Executive Development, which sponsored conferences and seminars for business leaders.[96]

Quittmeyer actively encouraged interest and support from the business community, which was essential to the school’s success. The School of Business Administration Sponsors, Inc., organized in 1970, assisted the school in securing accreditation and then focused on fund-raising. So successful was this group that by 1982 the school had amassed sufficient private and corporate funds for six named professorships and for the Women in Business program.[97] Tribute to business executives began in 1976 when the school awarded its first annual medallion. The recipient was Thomas J. Watson of International Business Machines.[98] Students got more exposure to business executives through two programs begun in 1973. William and Mary became one of only eight American colleges selected for the Businessman in Residence program, which featured a series of lectures by a noted member of the business community. The business school also initiated Meet the Presidents day, offering students a chance to become acquainted with chief executives of a variety of companies.[99] That same year Quittmeyer extended his public relations campaign to generate wider support by setting up small dinners around the state and by speaking engagements outside Virginia.[100]

When Quittmeyer resigned as dean in 1983, he was succeeded by John C. Jamison. Like the dean of the law school, Jamison wanted more autonomy for the business school, and he was allowed to report directly to the president. Jamison brought new ideas for reorganizing the school and for additional programs, such as the executive master of business administration degree, but most of these significant changes took place after the Graves era.[101]

The third professional school—the School of Education—had been established in 1961 for the entire Colleges of William and Mary system and was reestablished five years later for only the Williamsburg campus. Under a succession of deans—Richard B. Brooks (1968–74), James M. Yankovich (1974–83), and John M. Nagle (1983–), the school performed the vital public service of training teachers, supervisors, and administrators for the Virginia public school system.[102] During these years the number of students grew to 110 undergraduates and 363 graduate students, with an additional 219 (mostly school teachers) in the summer session or in off-campus courses, taught by a full-time equivalent faculty of thirty-two. This faculty, like arts and sciences, received lower salaries than those in the law and business administration schools.[103] When Nagle became dean, he was able to report directly to the president, thus assuring more independence for the school.

The School of Education increased its offerings and devised new degree programs. Undergraduates had to satisfy the liberal arts degree requirements, but the school exercised autonomy in third and fourth year classes and graduate programs. For undergraduates, the school offered a concentration in Elementary Education and certification programs in Secondary Education. For graduates, it provided a wide variety of specialties: master’s degrees in Elementary and Secondary Education, reading, museum education, marine science, counseling, Special Education, educational administration , and school psychology. The school also granted the certificate of advanced graduate study and the doctor of Education in educational administration, higher education, counseling, and counseling–psychology.[104] All these offerings represented a marked shift to graduate work in Education. In 1973 the School of Education received approval of all its programs by the Virginia Department of Education, and the next year it got its first accreditation by the National Council for the Accreditation of Teacher Education. Soon the Southern Association of Colleges and Schools accredited it as an autonomous school.[105]

The school further served the community by developing training programs for handicapped preschool children, helping to implement affirmative action, and sponsoring numerous conferences. In 1975 it established a program to help adults improve their proficiency in reading and mathematics, and this later became the Rita Welsh Adult Skills Program. For added accessibility, the school gave evening classes at the Williamsburg campus and at VARC.[106]

Like its counterparts throughout the College, the School of Education faculty came under increasing pressure to publish more. With Dean Yankovich’s encouragement, the faculty amassed an impressive list of books, journal articles, and presentations of scholarly papers.[107] In 1985 the school gained added prestige when Armand J. Galfo became Heritage Professor of Education. He was the first to hold such a professorship in the school.[108]

William and Mary’s fourth school, marine science, was established in 1961 as the academic arm of the College’s cooperative program with the Virginia Commission on Fisheries, and the two organizations jointly operated the Virginia Fisheries Laboratory at Gloucester Point. The next year the laboratory became the Virginia Institute of Marine Science (VIMS)—an independent research agency supervised by its own board of administration—but its staff continued to function as the faculty of the School of Marine Science, and its director, William J. Hargis, Jr., was also dean of the school. In spite of a 1967 report by oceanographic experts criticizing the lack of university oversight of VIMS, little changed in the academic or fiscal arrangements. In 1972 a concerned Board of Visitors asked the administration to study VIMS.[109]

Even after the resulting study described the situation, nothing happened until 1978, when a legislative committee discovered four instances of operating funds being used for capital projects—a violation of state law.[110] This was too much for the State Council of Higher Education, which quickly recommended that William and Mary become responsible for all marine science in Virginia, notably at VIMS. In 1979 the General Assembly merged VIMS with William and Mary, effective July 1, with the Board of Visitors in full control.[111] William and Mary had another campus.

State audits soon uncovered deficits for VIMS, deficits that soared to about $5.8 million. As the Board of Visitors began untangling the fiscal morass, it divided the director’s duties by assigning educational and research responsibilities to Hargis and financial and administrative duties to Paul V. Koehly, William and Mary’s internal auditor, who became acting associate director of VIMS.[112] Hargis soon resigned, and Frank O. Perkins became acting director, then director, of VIMS and dean of the School of Marine Science. Like the deans of the other professional schools, he soon was able to report directly to the president.[113]

In spite of the internal turmoil, the VIMS staff continued its three-fold mission of education, research, and advisory service. The academic programs, taught primarily at the Gloucester Point campus, included the master of arts and doctoral degrees in biological, physical, chemical, or geological oceanography, marine fisheries science, and marine resource management. VIMS also maintained its Eastern Shore Branch Laboratory at Wachapreague. By 1985 the school’s enrollment had risen from 50 to 105 graduate students.[114] Teaching these students, as well as conducting extensive research, was the job of a full-time equivalent instructional staff of thirty-seven, whose salaries also lagged behind those of the law and business administration faculties.[115]

Always research intensive, VIMS concentrated on environmental contaminants such as Kepone, on wetlands and shorelines, and on various shellfish and finfish. As in the past, researchers published voluminously in scholarly journals and presented papers to the scientific community. VIMS attracted research funds from agencies such as the National Science Foundation, the Environmental Protection Agency, and the Army Corps of Engineers. Other funds came from the national Sea Grant College Program, which had begun in 1968; and in 1984 VIMS received the important Sea Grant College designation—a consortium arrangement with the University of Virginia, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, and Old Dominion University. Dean Perkins, like other College leaders, searched for private support and established the VIMS Founders Society in 1982. VIMS continued its advisory role in industries such as transportation, development, recreation, and tourism, and to state, regional, and national agencies. Educating the public had always been a major goal, and VIMS increased its media releases, lectures, and programs given to high school, community college, and civic groups.[116] In 1984 a new building, Watermen’s Hall, opened and housed aquariums and exhibits and made VIMS more visible to the public.

Yet another school—continuing studies—was established in 1968, not as a professional school but as an administrative unit to supervise the extension division, the evening college, the summer session, and the graduate programs at VARC. The School of Continuing Studies had always been viewed with suspicion by the arts and sciences faculty, especially when Dean Donald J. Herrmann had tried to begin independent admissions and degree standards for the school, to award residential credit for off-campus courses, and to require William and Mary faculty to teach these courses. Graves shared the faculty’s apprehension about any loosening of William and Mary’s standards and assigned Vice-President for Academic Affairs Healy to evaluate the situation.[117] On Healy’ s recommendation, the Board of Visitors approved consolidating the College’s off-campus courses and phasing out the extension division. In September 1972 the Board disestablished the School of Continuing Studies and its extension division.[118] Years later, then-rector Ernest W. Goodrich and Healy agreed that abolishing the extension division, which had served the Peninsula since 1919, was precipitate.[119]

Simultaneously, the Board established the Office of Special Programs to help fill the void left by the demise of continuing studies and the extension division and soon named the former dean of students, Carson H. Barnes, as director. Housed at VARC, special programs provided noncredit courses, seminars, and conferences for adults on the Peninsula.[120] The evening college continued both graduate and undergraduate classes on campus, taught by regular faculty. Undergraduate seniors, as well as part-time adult students, could earn resident credit through this college. But enrollment and interest dwindled, and the evening college disbanded in 1984. The summer session, too, continued to provide additional opportunities, especially for graduate students in Education and business administration and undergraduates in arts and sciences. Enrollment consistently averaged about two thousand students each year.[121]

To handle the requirements of these various schools and of the whole College, the Computer Center developed rapidly. Raymond W. Southworth, professor of mathematics, directed the center from its inception in 1966 until 1981, when Henry C. Johnson replaced him and the center became Computing and Institutional Research. The center benefitted from the computer science major, begun in 1977, and the separation of that discipline from the mathematics department in 1984. As computers assumed a major place in American life, demand strained the College’s resources, and the systems were frequently upgraded, although William and Mary lagged far behind other state institutions in acquiring adequate computer capability. It did, however, double its computing power in 1984 when it added a Prime Three computer center. Students were the greatest users of computers, followed by faculty, departments, and administrators.[122]

More Research

During these years research became increasingly important at the College. Early American history had long been the object of intense scholarly inquiry, and William and Mary’s cooperative research and publishing program with Colonial Williamsburg continued at the Institute of Early American History and Culture. Directed by Stephen G. Kurtz from 1969 to 1972, then by Thad W. Tate, the Institute’s research and publication missions flourished.[123] Scholarly books proliferated, and from 1972 to 1985, the Institute issued forty-three new titles, raising its total to ninety since its publishing program began in 1947. Institute works garnered numerous book awards, culminating in the Pulitzer Prize in 1983.[124] Under Tate, the Institute strengthened its sponsored conferences and seminars and continued issuing its informative newsletters and handbooks and offering advice and consultation. Simultaneously, staff members continued to teach in the College’s history department and for Colonial Williamsburg’s training classes.[125] The Institute and the history department promoted their joint graduate apprenticeship in historical editing, and several master’s and first year doctoral students enrolled in this program each year.[126] The postdoctoral fellowship program maintained its high standards, and in 1984 a National Endowment for the Humanities grant funded a senior fellowship. This grant elevated the Institute’s status to a Center for Advanced Study—one of only eleven in the country.[127]

The Institute’ s best-known product was the William and Mary Quarterly, edited by Tate from 1966 until he became director in 1972, then by Michael McGiffert.[128] In 1971 the Quarterly began the Adair Memorial Award, given every four years for the most influential article published in the journal during that time.[129] Recognized in the scholarly community for its high quality, the Quarterly became one of the most frequently cited journals in the world.[130]

Special projects assumed greater importance. The Marshall Papers undertaking, begun in 1966 for collecting, editing, and publishing the public and private papers of Chief Justice John Marshall, gained momentum under a succession of editors—Herbert Johnson, Charles T. Cullen, and finally Charles F. Hobson in 1979. With fanfare and ceremonies at the Supreme Court, the first volume of The Papers of John Marshall came out in 1974, and three more volumes followed by the end of the Graves era.[131] This impressive venture was well under way and constituted a major contribution to American historiography.

A second special project, the Atlas of Early American History, had begun in 1968 with the Newberry Library in Chicago as cosponsor. Former director Lester J. Cappon had left the Institute in 1969 to head the Atlas project, which reached fruition when the Atlas was published in 1976.[132]

Although the Marshall Papers received some state support, the other projects depended on outside funds. Private funding became more necessary because the Institute experienced the same financial shortfall as the rest of the College, so the director became an effective fund-raiser as well as a scholar.[133] After Graves left the presidency, Tate remained as director for four more years. Although the Institute had long before established a national reputation as a unique research and publication center, Tate believed it became increasingly important to the College, which was expanding its own research and graduate programs.[134] The Institute significantly strengthened William and Mary’s university status.

Another research group, the Marshall-Wythe Institute for Research in the Social Sciences, had begun in 1966. Directed by W. Warner Moss, former head of the government department, this institute held conferences and symposia and encouraged interdisciplinary research, but it never lived up to earlier expectations. When Moss retired in 1972, Clyde A. Haulman became director, and the institute finally disbanded three years later.[135]

An idea that had held such promise when it began during John E. Pomfret’s administration was the University Center in Virginia. William and Mary had been an enthusiastic participant in the consortium with other Virginia colleges, especially in its visiting scholars program, but the economic hard times of the 1970s took their toll on the center as well as on other organizations. The University Center closed in 1978.[136]

Although the University Center failed, William and Mary was highly successful in its public relations endeavors. The College capitalized on its status as a Bicentennial Campus of the American Revolution and on its theme “Alma Mater of a Nation” as attractions for visiting notables. In October 1976 President Gerald R. Ford and Democratic nominee Jimmy Carter held a nationally televised presidential debate in Phi Beta Kappa Memorial Hall. In December the United Chapters of Phi Beta Kappa held its 200th anniversary at the College, where Phi Beta Kappa had been founded. In May 1981 William and Mary conferred its first Honorary Fellowship upon Prince Charles, heir to the British throne. Two years later the College gained wide publicity by providing William and Mary Hall for the international press corps during the Economic Summit of Industrialized Nations.[137]

The Descent of the Branch Campuses

During the 1960s branch campuses had helped to signify university status for William and Mary, and in 1971 the College had three branches, all established during the Paschall administration. Fourteen years later all had undergone vast changes in function or relationship with the mother College. Christopher Newport College in Newport News had started in 1961 as a junior college and a part of the Colleges of William and Mary system. Ten years later it became a four-year, degree-granting institution with James C. Windsor as president. During the 1970s Christopher Newport expanded its liberal arts curriculum, gave professional training, offered day and evening classes, operated an evening college and a summer session, and took some of the undergraduates from William and Mary’s extension division when that disbanded.[138]

Located in a rapidly growing urban area, Christopher Newport remained a commuter school and was increasingly attractive to older, part-time students, most of whom worked. Admissions standards remained flexible, but an increasing number of students were in the upper two-fifths of their high school classes. Between 1971 and 1977, enrollment nearly doubled from 1,770 to 3,344, attesting to the college’s success in meeting the Peninsula’s needs. The campus expanded as well, gaining a greenhouse and a campus center.[139]

But, like William and Mary’s earlier branches in Norfolk and Richmond, Christopher Newport yearned for independence. The first step came in 1972 when the Board of Visitors established the President’s Advisory Council of Christopher Newport, composed of twelve distinguished local citizens. The next year the Board agreed to take the lead in any move toward separation. Graves had serious reservations, however, and wrote that he preferred one board for the two schools because Christopher Newport would profit by the association and William and Mary could be of “major public service” to the Peninsula.[140]

President Windsor had other ideas. In April 1975 he chronicled Christopher Newport’s “orderly growth” and argued convincingly for independence before the State Council of Higher Education.[141] Reminiscent of the events in Norfolk in 1961, public opinion rallied behind the drive for autonomy; and private citizens, the college’s Alumni Association and Advisory Council, and the local newspapers backed the idea.[142] The Board of Visitors took a cautious, neutral stance, agreeing to support any legislative action.[143] In early 1976 Lewis McMurran, delegate to the General Assembly from Newport News, introduced a bill for Christopher Newport’s independence, and the General Assembly voted to create a board of visitors for that college on July 1, with full autonomy the next year. William and Mary had nurtured still another college to maturity and wished it godspeed.[144]

Like Christopher Newport, Richard Bland College in Petersburg had come into existence as part of the Colleges of William and Mary in 1961. Blocked by the federal courts from expanding to four years, Richard Bland remained a two-year, commuter school—the only public junior college in Virginia that was outside the community college system.[145] Uncertainty about this college’s mission and continuing connection with the parent institution persisted, and the William and Mary faculty of arts and sciences called for severing all ties with Richard Bland.[146] Graves dispatched the College’s chief academic officer, George Healy, to study the situation; and in his ensuing report, Healy recommended a strong effort to upgrade the academic program and a complete shake-up of Richard Bland’s top leadership.[147] Consequently, Colonel James M. Carson, president since 1961, retired; Cornelis Laban became acting president in 1973; and two years later Clarence Maze, Jr., assumed the presidency. A new academic dean and a different chief fiscal officer completed the administrative restructuring, and the Board of Visitors reiterated its support of the branch college.[148]

Under Maze’s leadership, Richard Bland renewed its efforts to shed its vocational image and to focus on a two-year liberal arts curriculum for students wishing to earn an associate degree or to transfer to four-year colleges.[149] It offered three degree programs: associate in arts, associate in science, and associate in science in business. Richard Bland also continued professional programs such as business administration. Enrollment grew from 841 to 979 full- and part-time students with a faculty of forty-six, but admissions standards remained low: Richard Bland accepted 95 percent of high school graduates who applied. To meet adults’ educational needs, the college operated three summer sessions, an evening college, and an extension division, and offered a variety of noncredit classes. It also participated in a cooperative arrangement with the Petersburg General Hospital School of Nursing.[150] As Richard Bland moved toward an improved academic image, it provided an important service for Southside Virginia and maintained William and Mary’s presence in that area.[151]

The College’s third branch, the Virginia Associated Research Campus, had begun in 1962 as a cooperative research venture, but by 1969 it had become a campus of William and Mary.[152] VARC’s activities centered around SREL, a space radiation effects laboratory completed by NASA in 1965. In spite of SREL’s initial success, more modern laboratories at Los Alamos and Columbia University drew away research projects, and NASA’s funding of SREL ended in 1973. Robert T. Siegel, director since 1967, then secured funding from the National Science Foundation and from the state and kept SREL operating until the foundation’s backing ended five years later.[153]

As SREL’s fate became increasingly uncertain in the 1970s, the College reconsidered its programs at VARC. Under Henry A. Aceto, Jr., director since 1972, VARC’s research emphasis switched from nuclear physics to applied science, and VARC concentrated on biomedical, biophysical, and environmental problems. The gift of a $400,000 Van de Graaff accelerator from NASA aided these research projects.[154]  VARC’s second mission as a graduate center slowly phased out its degree courses in applied science, business administration, engineering, mathematics, and physics, especially after Old Dominion University withdrew its engineering program in 1978. VARC then became exclusively the School of Education’s off-campus center and also served as headquarters of the College’s Office of Special Programs.[155]

In 1979 Professor Hans C. von Baeyer of the physics department replaced Aceto as director, and soon a new and exciting opportunity for VARC arose. The next year the Southeastern Universities Research Association (SURA) was established as a consortium, with William and Mary as a charter member, and proposed setting up the Southeast Residential Experiment Station to test solar photovoltaic residential systems. Von Baeyer suggested the VARC site, which won out over several others when the Department of Energy accepted SURA’s proposal in 1983. SURA would build a new laboratory, called the Continuous Electron Beam Accelerator Facility (CEBAF) at VARC. VARC’s property and personnel were moved to William and Mary in July 1984.[156] Although the College no longer had a graduate campus in Newport News, its physics department had grown in stature because of its prior supervision of SREL and VARC and its affiliation with SURA. The College ended the Graves era with one branch—a diminution of its presence in Tidewater Virginia.

Administering the College

As the branches’ relationships with William and Mary shifted, Graves still had to run the institution, and nowhere were his managerial skills more evident than in his administration of the multifaceted College. He did not share Paschall’ s desire for continuity in leadership and soon replaced key administrators with his own choices.[157] Reorganizations, new offices, and enlarged staffs drove up the members of Graves’s “team” from 70 in the fall of 1971 to 102 in 1984. Turnover was high: few job holders at the beginning of the Graves era were there at the end, and most were in different positions.[158]

As personnel shifted, Graves launched a series of reorganizations that changed the shape of the administrative structure. At the top, the office of executive vice-president was terminated when Carter O. Lowance left.[159] In 1973 Graves abolished the position of vice-president for student affairs when J. Wilfred Lambert retired and then revamped the functions of that office. To stress academic importance, Graves named James C. Livingston, chairman of the religion department, to the new post of dean of the undergraduate program, reporting to the vice-president for academic affairs. Under Livingston, W. Samuel Sadler became the new dean of students.[160] In 1983 another reorganization changed the position of dean of students to dean of student affairs, reporting directly to the president. The undergraduate dean was downgraded and finally placed under the dean of the faculty of arts and sciences. By 1983 the deans of all the schools and of arts and sciences also reported to the president, bypassing the provost, who was the chief academic officer.[161]

Financial matters, as well as student affairs, received the administration’s attention. In 1972 William J. Carter became vice-president for business affairs, and he controlled the College’s budget for ten years, when Lawrence W. Broomall, Jr., succeeded him. The responsibilities of this office diminished in 1982 because the provost’s office took over budgetary functions.[162] Financial planning, so important in any business, assumed added significance, and a director of planning and budget worked with the provost. A Planning Priorities Committee and then in 1984, a Long Range Planning Commission exemplified good management practices.[163]

Of all the administrative changes, none was as crucial as the expanding authority of the vice-president for academic affairs, whose title became provost and vice-president for academic affairs, and then shortened to simply provost in 1983. Filling this post throughout the Graves administration was George Healy.[164] The provost was not only the chief academic officer; he also controlled the budget and made major personnel decisions. He was Graves’s principal advisor in all matters and also acted as a general troubleshooter.[165]

Graves’s administrative style markedly contrasted with Paschall’ s hands-on management of all College affairs. Believing that William and Mary was already a good university, Graves brought no plans for revolutionary changes with him. Affable and friendly, he was accessible to faculty, students, and administrators alike. To many, he appeared indecisive; but according to his provost, he was, rather, cautious and deliberative. He avoided confrontation and preferred to let tense situations cool off.[166] He willingly delegated authority and allowed his subordinates to carry out their duties without undue interference. Although he met often with his vice-presidents, he had no such arrangements with his deans. Instead, in 1971 Healy established a Council of Deans, which met regularly to discuss College issues but had no real power.[167] This lack of sustained contact with their president caused some deans to feel isolated and shut out of College policy making. Once again, communications became an important issue, as it had with earlier administrations.[168]

To help with communications, the Administrative Council, established by Paschall in 1968, became the President’s Advisory Council in 1974. Composed of top administrators, the council discussed such matters as building projects, the College calendar, and current College events, but it was ineffective.[169] Of more significance was a new weekly publication, the William and Mary News, begun in 1972. This organ of the administration kept the whole College community abreast of policy decisions, personnel changes, and major events.

Graves had no trouble communicating with the seventeen-member Board of Visitors, however. He reestablished the practice of issuing annual reports and kept up voluminous correspondence with individual members.[170] After his narrow election in 1971, Graves enjoyed what Rector Ernest W. Goodrich called a “honeymoon period” when the Board was generally supportive, but the relationship soon deteriorated.[171] The Board became far less pliable and assumed more control over policy than it had during Paschall’ s presidency. A 1973 revision of the Board’s bylaws allowed the rector to serve two terms of two years each rather than only the one term imposed in 1962.[172] Three years later, the makeup of the Board shifted markedly, and to the administration’s dismay, new appointees seemed more concerned with football and public relations than with the College’s educational mission.[173] Soon, two strong-willed rectors, Edward E. Brickell (1978–82) and Herbert V. Kelly (1982–84), effectively controlled the Board’s direction and actions. As a capstone to his increased authority, the rector became rector of the College, not just rector of the Board of Visitors.[174]

Feeding into the Board’s growing autonomy was the secrecy growing out of the Virginia Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) of 1968 and its subsequent amendments. To circumvent the intended openness of the FOIA, the Board took such steps as preparing “public” reports in advance of meetings and confining important discussions and decision-making procedures to “executive” or closed meetings.[175] Finally, even agenda for meetings were marked “confidential” or “presidential working papers,” and thus kept from public scrutiny.[176] The very laws designed to disclose the actions of governing bodies of public institutions resulted in even less accountability.

On the positive side, the Board witnessed two historic firsts during these years. In 1978 Henry T. Tucker, Jr., became the first black ever appointed to the Board. Six years later Anne Dobie Peebles became the first woman rector in the College’s history, and with her came a healing of what had become by then a waning and fragmented College community.[177]

Big-Time Athletics—Again

Nowhere did the Board of Visitors flex its newfound muscle more dramatically than in athletic policy. Quiescent and under tight presidential control for twenty years, intercollegiate athletics took center stage during the Graves administration, and to the minds of many, professionalized athletics ran amok. Early in his presidency, Graves, along with the Faculty Athletic Committee, had reaffirmed the College’s educational priorities and stressed its amateur status in intercollegiate competition.[178]

By early 1974 problems with athletic budgets and special admissions for grants-in-aid athletes precipitated the first comprehensive study of both men’s and women’s athletics in thirteen years.[179] The resulting report outlined two alternatives: Policy Statement and Program One, which de-emphasized intercollegiate athletics, and Policy Statement and Program Two, which strengthened the existing program. With both programs, student fees would subsidize revenue sports during a three- to four-year transition period, when these sports would then be self-supporting.[180] Graves took the middle road and recommended a policy which did not de-emphasize football but rejected a win-at-all-costs philosophy. Student fees would continue to subsidize athletics until 1979.[181] The Board of Visitors adopted Graves’s recommendations in November 1974 and soon began pushing the College toward an increasingly ambitious intercollegiate athletic program.[182] Such expansion got a boost in 1976 with the appointment to the Board of several enthusiasts for big-time athletics.[183]

The next year the College withdrew from the Southern Conference after forty-one years of membership. To fill the vacuum, the Board soon allied William and Mary with the National Collegiate Athletic Association’s Division I football, in spite of Graves’s opposition to any upgrading of athletics.[184] But projected deficits raised serious questions about the soundness of the intercollegiate program, and in early December 1977, the College’s Athletic Policy Committee forecast a $400,000 shortfall by 1981–82 and recommended abolishing the football program.[185] Two months later the Board formally adopted a new policy effective July 1, 1978, that mandated using student fees indefinitely to support intercollegiate athletics, including grants-in-aid. In return, students could attend all home sports events free of charge. William and Mary would join the newly established NCAA Division I-A in football. This division had such powerhouse teams as Oklahoma, Penn State, Nebraska, Ohio State, and Michigan and would possibly require a 30,000-seat stadium for member colleges.[186]

The College, however, could not provide 30,000 seats for football fans. Its Cary Field Stadium, built in 1935, had only 8,791 permanent seats and 6,018 temporary seats in the end zone and badly needed repairs. The Board authorized renovations for the stadium as it debated how to increase seating capacity.[187] It decided on a two-stage expansion of the existing stadium.[188] In October 1978 the governing body authorized a feasibility study, quickly completed by the athletic director, Bernard L. Carnevale, and kept secret for eighteen months. This in-house study concluded that a larger stadium would attract better teams and increase football revenues. In December the Board determined that the stadium expansion was “economically and financially feasible” and voted to begin the first phase of construction. About 11,788 new seats in the west stand and removal of 3,162 temporary seats would result in 20,579 permanent seats for cheering fans at a cost of about $1.8 million, financed with private funds.[189]

Roars of opposition engulfed the campus. Students had consistently voiced their disapproval of upgrading athletics, raising fees, and then expanding the stadium and had staged several protests to emphasize their opposition.[190] The faculty, always concerned that intercollegiate athletics would preempt academics, steadfastly opposed upgrading the football program or spending vast sums of money to enlarge the stadium and had passed a series of resolutions reflecting its reservations.[191] Opposition came from other sources as well. At a Williamsburg city council meeting, concerned citizens protested potential traffic congestion, and the president’s office was deluged with strong letters from students, faculty, alumni, and townspeople. The Student Association council and the Board of Student Affairs passed resolutions against expansion.[192] During this chaotic month of January, the NCAA decided against requiring Division I-A teams to have 30,000-seat stadiums, so the reason for stadium expansion vanished.

Graves listened to the massive outcry, which mirrored his own well-concealed feelings. When the Board of Visitors met on February 1, 1979, the president advised it to reconsider its December decision to expand the stadium. The Board nearly voted “no confidence” in Graves and approved a statement compiled by football enthusiasts Herbert V. Kelly and Milton L. Drewer, Jr., and strongly supported by members such as Joseph E. Baker and C. Randolph Davis. The College would go ahead with the first stage of the expansion when private funds became available.[193] The Board had callously disregarded the wishes of the broad College community. Its slap at Graves diminished his later effectiveness, and some saw it as the beginning of the end of his presidency.[194]

Reaction was instantaneous. Students boycotted classes; many rallied in protest in front of the Alumni House; others held a Save the Charter Day. Some met with Governor John N. Dalton and members of the General Assembly.[195] Vehement faculty protests aroused the ire of the outspoken football coach, James F. Root, who gave a widely publicized speech castigating “those academic types.”[196] The speech exacerbated an already-bad situation. The most colorful protest group was the Amos Alonzo Stagg Society, organized in April 1979.[197] The society tried to block the stadium expansion by such means as a lawsuit and sending representatives to express their opposition to the House of Delegates’ appropriations committee. Although this vocal group did not succeed, it raised even more public awareness. In October 1981 the society was replaced by the Student Committee for Responsible Athletic Policy.[198]

But responsible policy was an elusive goal. In August 1981 an architectural firm began a preconstruction study of stadium expansion, now estimated at $2.3 million. The new athletic director, W. James Copeland, Jr., repeatedly spoke in favor of the project, although a student poll tallied 87.3 percent opposing the Board’s policy.[199] The administration watched in dismay as the Board relentlessly charged ahead. Graves agreed with Healy, who “deplored all professionalized athletics in an academic environment” and hoped that the Board would “temper its headlong determination to proceed with the stadium and collectively come to a wiser understanding of the way academic institutions (at least good ones) work.”[200] Graves firmly believed that big-time athletics had no place at William and Mary but realized that he could not deter the Board. Instead, he devised another roadblock. The stadium, by law, had to be financed with private funds; and Graves, the consummate fund-raiser, could find no donor.[201]

Suddenly, the need for a huge stadium vanished. In December 1981 the NCAA lowered William and Mary from Division I-A to I-AA, which included more of such comparable teams as the Virginia Military Institute and the University of Richmond and did not require a 30,000-seat stadium.[202] A short time later, Rector Herbert V. Kelly told the faculty that relegation of William and Mary to Division I-AA was the greatest thing that could have happened to the football program![203]

During these years, intercollegiate athletic expenses and student fees to support them rose dramatically. In 1971–72 athletic budgets were $664,469 for men; $15,972 for women. An $88 student athletic fee was higher than at other Virginia colleges.[204] By 1984–85 the budget for the Men’s Athletic Association had soared to $2,587,682; for the Women’s Athletic Association, to $940,429. The student fee had reached $393.[205]

The big gainers in athletics were women, assisted by federal law. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 prohibited sex discrimination in public educational programs or activities, and a class action complaint two years later opened women’s athletics to more equitable funding. In 1976 the College awarded the first grants-in-aid to women athletes. Later interpretations of the law required proportional per capita expenditures for both sexes, and the resulting leap in funds allowed the director of women’s athletics, Mildred B. West, to field eleven intercollegiate teams.[206] Nationally known William and Mary became the prototype for creating strong women’s programs.[207]

Men’s athletics, however, had made even greater strides, and by 1984 the College had thirteen men’s intercollegiate teams and a vibrant intramural program. Bernard L. Carnevale replaced H. Lester Hooker, Jr., as athletic director in 1972 and held this post until W. James Copeland, Jr., assumed it nine years later.[208]

One revenue sport, football, compiled a lackluster record, in spite of the attention and money lavished on it. James F. Root became head football coach and guided the Tribe until 1980, when Jimmye Laycock replaced him. Root had only three winning seasons, and many wondered how William and Mary football justified a 30,000-seat stadium. After several years of rebuilding, Laycock produced winning teams in 1983 and 1984.[209] The second revenue sport, basketball, was more successful. Playing under successive coaches in the new William and Mary Hall, this team amassed seasonal records of seven wins, five losses, and one tie over thirteen years.[210] Of the nonrevenue sports, the cross-country team dominated the Southern Conference for ten consecutive seasons, until 1976, and the indoor track team was equally as successful.[211]

More on Civil Rights

As the athletic controversy rose to a crescendo, the College, like all public institutions, took steps to end racial and sex discrimination. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 forbade racial discrimination and initiated affirmative action to lower the barriers against minorities and women. Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972 prohibited sex discrimination.[212] To abide by this legislation, William and Mary followed state guidelines, which came slowly because the federal and state governments bickered for years over acceptable policies and procedures.[213] Finally, in 1978, the United States Department of Health, Education, and Welfare accepted the Virginia Plan, which committed white colleges to enrolling 150 percent more minority students during the next four years, to providing equal employment opportunity, and to hiring black faculty and administrators in proportion to the percentage of blacks earning graduate degrees from Virginia institutions.[214]

The College had taken the first steps to begin nondiscrimination policies near the end of the Paschall era and expanded its efforts under Graves.[215] To dispel its image of an upper-middle-class, all-white institution, the College hired several black administrators. In 1971 Juanita Wallace became assistant dean of admissions; three years later Leroy O. Moore became director of minority student affairs, and Wesley C. Wilson was director of equal employment opportunity and affirmative action.[216]

The College had about forty black undergraduates in the fall of 1971, and Graves advocated energetic minority recruiting but without lowering academic standards.[217] In 1973 the College adopted a special admissions policy to help meet the educational needs of minorities and soon expanded its scholarship assistance, participated in a program for black law students, and bused blacks to visit the campus. In 1979 it started a four-week summer residential program to help blacks adjust to college life. William and Mary representatives visited high schools with heavy black enrollments and sent out mass mailings.[218] In 1983 the administration adopted a new plan setting numerical objectives for minority recruitment and retention, and by the next fall fifty-five black freshmen—the largest number ever—entered the College and brought the total of blacks to 135 or almost 3 percent of the undergraduate student body of 4,729.[219]

If the College’s desegregation of the student body progressed, its affirmative action to hire black faculty did not fare as well. Qualified blacks with terminal degrees were at a premium, and more affluent universities could offer better salaries. In 1971 the College had no black faculty; few were interested in teaching there. One man, however, was intensely interested in a faculty position. In 1974 Jeroyd X Greene, a Black Muslim lawyer from Richmond, applied for a one-year visiting professorship at the Marshall-Wythe School of Law. Dean James P. Whyte, Jr., offered him the job, and Greene accepted. Upon learning of Greene’s six contempt of court citations, the administration tried to persuade him to withdraw his acceptance. Greene refused and threatened to sue the College.[220]

The Richmond Times-Dispatch aired the story on May 10, and a fire storm of protests erupted. Loud opposition to Greene’s appointment arose from alumni, members of the Virginia bar, and the Richmond chapter of the Society of the Alumni. State Senator Edward E. Willey, powerful chairman of the Senate Finance Committee, jumped into the fray and threatened a large cut in law school appropriations if the College hired Greene.[221] This unwarranted interference in the College’s internal affairs touched off even louder debates. In the midst of the furor, Alvin Duke Chandler resigned as chancellor of the College, but the rector, R. Harvey Chappell, Jr., denied that the action sprang from the controversy.

Finally, on May 18, the Board of Visitors, which had ultimate hiring authority, accepted Graves’s recommendation not to appoint Greene to the law school faculty because of the contempt of court citations.[222] Furious reaction came from every comer of the campus. On May 23 William and Mary’s chapter of the American Association of University Professors appointed a committee to investigate the incident. Five days later a law school faculty resolution supported Whyte and deplored outside interference. On the thirtieth the arts and sciences Faculty Affairs Committee expressed to Graves their objections to the decision, and the full faculty of arts and sciences endorsed the committee’s letter. In his reply, Graves took responsibility for his action. In September the AAUP report criticized Graves and the Board of Visitors for violating academic due process in the Greene affair and later, law students circulated petitions protesting the actions of the College. On May 2, 1975, James Whyte resigned as dean.[223]

All the notoriety over hiring a black faculty member was a major setback for the College’s affirmative action program. There were only two black faculty in 1976; three in 1980 when William and Mary had the lowest percentage (.67) of black teachers of any state university in Virginia.[224] Each department handled its own hiring, often without keeping records, and many were unaware of any affirmative action guidelines. After Dale W. Robinson became director of equal opportunity and affirmative action programs in 1981, he drew up a new recruitment plan with numerical objectives, but by 1985 there were still only three blacks on the faculty eligible for tenure.[225]

Affirmative action for equal employment opportunities affected women as well as blacks. In 1978 the College named Linda Collins Reilly as dean of the undergraduate program and assistant vice-president for academic affairs. Other women joined the administrative ranks but, with the exception of Mildred B. West, director of athletics for women, and Dorothy Bryant, the registrar, all remained at the assistant or associate levels.[226] The number of women faculty ran ahead of blacks but still fell behind their availability in the labor market. A comprehensive report, “The Status of Women at the College of William and Mary,” compiled in 1973, showed that 39 women constituted about 13 percent of the instructional staff of 305.[227] The Affirmative Action Advisory Committee and later, Dale Robinson worked vigorously to raise awareness of discriminatory hiring practices and to press for better recruiting. In 1984 the College established numerical quotas for hiring women faculty, and a year later their numbers had risen to 51 or 12.5 percent of the faculty of 408—hardly great progress.[228]

In addition to underrepresentation on the faculty, women also earned lower salaries than their male counterparts. Nationally, women’s salaries were $2,500 less than men’s in 1972, and William and Mary followed this disparity. Of the thirty-nine women of the instructional faculty, only two were full professors, and their average salaries were $2,253 less than male professors’ salaries. The twelve associate professors averaged $1,758 less than men in the same rank.[229] Amid charges of sex discrimination, Vice-President Healy began a study, and in March 1974 he admitted to Graves that women’s salaries were lower than men’s but that he saw no proof of sex discrimination.[230] The Affirmative Action Advisory Committee and the dean of the faculty of arts and sciences, Jack D. Edwards, disagreed with Healy’s conclusion, and simultaneously, two class action lawsuits may have prompted the administration to begin another salary comparison study in late 1974.[231] The following January, Healy reviewed and raised the salaries of twenty-nine women faculty.[232]

During the following years, the salary disparity worsened and led to a new round of raises in early 1979.[233] But the gender gap persisted and in 1984 was about the same as it had been in 1972.[234] Although equal pay was never achieved, the College had set up the procedures to improve affirmative action and equal employment. Graves, however, remained dissatisfied with the College’s progress.[235]

The Faculty of Arts and Sciences Rebels

Women and minorities were only a small part of the William and Mary faculty, which was dispersed among arts and sciences and the schools of law, business administration, Education, and marine science. By 1984 full-time and full-time equivalent faculty numbered 408; and reflecting the predominant educational mission of the College, the faculty of arts and sciences made up about 75 percent of it. Ninety-one percent of the entire faculty held terminal degrees in their disciplines.[236] In an era of a glut of doctors of philosophy and a limited job market, stability characterized all the faculties. To unify these disparate groups and to provide a collegewide forum, Graves tried from the start of his presidency to establish a faculty senate, but the faculty of arts and sciences killed the proposal in 1974.[237]

Guiding arts and sciences, the largest of the faculties, was Harold L. Fowler. Dean from 1964 until he retired ten years later, Fowler steadfastly supported the basic liberal arts mission of the College.[238] Professor of government Jack D. Edwards followed Fowler as dean and was, said Vice-President for Academic Affairs Healy, “a persuasive and unrelenting advocate for the Faculty he serves” until he returned to teaching in 1981.[239] Next came a two-year stint as dean by Zeddie P. Bowen.[240] Edwards returned as acting dean until the chairman of the chemistry department, Melvyn D. Schiavelli, assumed the post in 1984.[241]

Arts and sciences also had a dean of graduate studies, a position filled by history professor John E. Selby from 1968 to 1981, when physics professor Rolf G. Winter succeeded him. These two deans supervised master’s level work in twelve fields, doctoral programs in three. In contrast to the growth of graduate work in the professional schools, the number of graduate students in arts and sciences was static—259 in the fall of 1971 and 258 thirteen years later.[242] In 1984 religion professor Thomas M. Finn filled a new post, dean of undergraduate studies.[243]

To make teaching more attractive, the College recognized its outstanding faculty. Graves named only one Chancellor Professor—business administration professor Leland E. Traywick—but the College continued to award annually the Thomas Jefferson Award and the Thomas Jefferson Teaching Award. William and Mary qualified for the state’s Eminent Scholars Program and could invite eight prominent visiting professors to the campus each year.[244] Other benefits emerged. In 1972 the Board of Visitors modified its restriction against married couples teaching in the same department by allowing this practice if one spouse was not in an advisory or supervisory capacity over the other.[245] Six years later the College adopted a policy similar to that of other state universities by allowing faculty and classified employees to take one tuition-free course each semester.[246] The teaching load edged downward. Although the Faculty Handbook gave twelve hours a semester as the maximum, in actuality most faculty taught no more than nine hours.[247]

Less positively, in 1972 the Board of Visitors lowered the mandatory retirement age for faculty, as well as for administrators, from seventy to sixty-five, and soon many experienced professors were gone. Ten years later the low-interest housing loans to faculty and staff ended.[248] Sabbaticals—so long a goal of the faculty—never materialized, but increasing private funds for research permitted more faculty to take paid, one-semester leaves.[249]

Faculty research took on added importance, and the “publish or perish” syndrome appeared at William and Mary as it did at other universities across the nation. The Faculty Handbook of 1982 stressed scholarly contributions as a criterion for promotion and tenure, and Dean Bowen introduced weighted evaluations which placed as much emphasis on “visible scholarship” as on teaching. To give more recognition to research and publishing, the dean of graduate studies circulated a yearly list of faculty publications and artistic enterprises, and a similar list appeared at the end of the president’s annual reports.[250]

The Society of the Alumni continued to fund five summer grants, and research grants funded by the College steadily increased. In the summer of 1971, twenty-four faculty shared meager grant money, but soon semester research assignments and minor grants expanded faculty opportunities. By 1984–85 the College awarded thirty-two summer research grants, twenty-one semester research assignments, and fifty-six minor grants.[251] As during the Paschall administration, federal and state governments, corporations, and foundations provided the bulk of William and Mary’s research money. From 1978 to 1983, for example, there were 383 grants and contracts totalling $29,327,842, with the federal government paying for nearly 80 percent of them.[252] In 1984 a new $500,000 challenge grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities immediately benefitted twenty-two faculty.[253] Pressure, therefore, grew to submit research proposals that would land lucrative grants.

Simultaneously, the faculty of arts and sciences felt increasingly isolated from the rest of the College community. In spite of Graves’s reassurances that this faculty was “the heart of the College,” many believed that the administration favored the growth of the professional schools at the expense of arts and sciences.[254] The deans regularly complained of feeling shut out of decision making and of receiving information only when it was requested. The problem persisted and even the Self-Study of 1984 reported that many faculty felt isolated from the administration and “disenfranchised.”[255]  Others believed that Graves tried to stifle academic freedom and freedom of speech when, at the height of the stadium expansion controversy, he called three highly vocal opponents of expansion into his office to discuss their “objectivity” in grading football players in their classes—an action perceived by many as intimidation.[256] The gulf widened between the faculty of arts and sciences and the president, as it had during the Chandler and Paschall administrations.

Another communications breakdown occurred as relations between the faculty and the Board of Visitors deteriorated, especially during the stadium uproar. Most faculty believed that the Board was frivolously wasting money that could be used for hard-pressed academic programs. Aside from the formal contact between the Faculty liaison Committee and the Board, there was little interaction between the two groups. Mutual misunderstanding and suspicion characterized their relationship. In an unprecedented action, Rector Edward E. Brickell appeared at a collegewide faculty meeting in 1981 to assure the faculties that they and the Board had similar goals and aspirations for the College. The next year Rector Herbert V. Kelly brought a similar message. When she became rector in 1984, Anne Dobie Peebles furthered the conciliatory trend.[257]

Poor communications also played a large role in the faculty-administration dispute over salaries. Graves and Healy had always been aware of the inadequate pay for all the faculties, including arts and sciences, and vowed to make every effort to raise salaries.[258] A major stumbling block in increasing William and Mary’s notoriously low pay was the College’s peer group status. Healy argued persuasively and successfully before the State Council of Higher Education to approve raising William and Mary from the third to the second peer group. His achievement was, he later said, his “main contribution to William and Mary.” Governor Dalton soon authorized the higher assignment, effective in 1980.[259]

Low overall pay was not the only complaint of the faculty of arts and sciences. A growing disparity between the salaries of this faculty on the one hand and of the administration and the law and business schools on the other fed the discontent and lowered morale. As early as 1972, Graves found ways to augment law faculty pay, and this trend continued.[260] The School of Business Administration benefitted from private and corporate donations which it used to boost faculty pay. Simultaneously, the College steadily increased both the number and salary of the administrators.[261] To help supplement these higher salaries, the administration began using private funds, a practice viewed with suspicion by the faculty.[262] The administration determined the distribution of the funds, and these internal allocations widened the salary gap and further demoralized the arts and sciences faculty.[263]

By 1982–83 compensation, in constant dollars, for all faculties was less than it had been a decade earlier. Since 1972–73, average pay had risen 98 percent (from $14,467 to $28,536); the Consumer Price Index, 139 percent.[264] In addition to rampant inflation, William and Mary’s pay scale was abysmally low by all criteria.[265] Making the bad situation worse, the General Assembly voted no salary raises for 1983–84; rather, the state would pick up individual contributions to the Virginia Supplemental Retirement System, which amounted to a 5 percent increase in take-home pay.[266]

In the spring of 1983, the administration allocated $135,000 in private funds to help alleviate these austere financial conditions and adjusted salaries in about one hundred “special cases.” Following the established pattern, the administration and the law and business faculties received far higher per capita raises than arts and sciences. This was necessary, Graves later remarked, to meet marketplace demands. Although Dean Bowen had told his faculty that there would be no money for any raises, he received $85,000 which he distributed among fifty-one faculty, few for actual promotions or tenure.[267] News of these allocations quickly circulated among the whole faculty.

In the fall of 1983, a College study showed the average salary in arts and sciences was $27,598; in business administration, $33,126; in Education, $28,421; and in law, $36,990.[268] This information fueled the already-explosive situation. At a special meeting on November 15, called by a petition with 200 signatures, the faculty passed a resolution stating that “in a year … of austerity and common sacrifice, salary increases” were distributed in an unjust manner and represented “a signal failure to recognize” the indispensable role of arts and sciences. The resolution protested large expenditures on noneducational items and urged a reordering of priorities. The faculty discussed taking its case directly to the Board of Visitors, the State Council of Higher Education, and the legislature, but did not act. The resolution quickly made newspaper headlines.[269]

Healy tried to assuage the rebellious faculty in a letter describing how much less in state appropriations William and Mary received than five other universities and how he had tried to balance salary distributions. He failed to explain why administrators earned such high salaries or his allocation of private funds.[270] Unappeased, the faculty prepared for its next regular meeting.

On November 29 and before the faculty or the Board of Visitors convened again, Graves and Healy abruptly announced their resignations, effective in July 1985. It was important, said Graves, to have new leadership to implement the recommendations of the self-study, then under way, and of the new Long Range Planning Commission.[271] Somewhat deflated, the faculty met on December 6 and adopted recommendations that the administration continue to strive for higher faculty salaries and to reduce funding for noneducational activities.[272]

A few months later, the General Assembly authorized 10 percent faculty salary increases for each of the next two years, and the state would also pay employees’ life insurance premiums. The law and business schools could raise their tuition to boost their salaries even more.[273] By the fall of 1985, when these increases were in effect, the average salary in arts and sciences was $34,039; in business administration, $42,663; in Education, $33,946; and in law, $53,317.[274] The old patterns persisted, although at a higher level.

Meanwhile, the lame-duck president soon became eclipsed by the quest for his successor. In March 1984 Rector Anne Dobie Peebles appointed a seventeen-member search committee to recommend three names for the presidency.[275] As the committee screened its list of about two hundred applicants and narrowed the field to six, then three, Graves announced in November 1984 that he would leave in January rather than July 1985. He had accepted the position of director of the Henry Francis duPont Winterthur Museum near Wilmington, Delaware. Before he left, he bade an informal farewell to the faculty of arts and sciences, which gave him a standing ovation. The Board named Provost Healy as acting president until a new president took office. That new president was Paul R. Verkuil, dean of the Law School of Tulane University, who was chosen by the Board of Visitors on December 20.[276]

Healy served as acting president from January 9 until July 1, 1985. During these months he juggled the duties of both provost and president, and he neither initiated any new programs nor ignited any new controversies. His main job, he said, was “minding the store.”[277]

 


When Graves resigned from the presidency, he left William and Mary secure in its position as a small university serving many of the educational needs of Tidewater Virginia. It could never turn back to its earlier mission of only an undergraduate liberal arts college. Under his leadership, the Marshall-Wythe School of Law and the School of Business Administration grew in stature, resources, students, and faculty salaries. Research and publishing, crucial functions of a university, took on added significance in schools and departments at the main campus as well as at VIMS, SREL, the Institute of Early American History and Culture, and the Bureau of Business Research. The concept of higher education serving the basic needs of mankind—an idea prevalent in the 1970s—grew stronger. Graves had said when he first became president that the purpose of a liberal education was to “prepare its students to live and make a living.” William and Mary performed public services in such activities as marine advisory, teacher education, consultation in sciences, education, law, business, early American history, cultural programs, and courses and seminars through the Office of Special Programs.[278]

Reflecting his belief in community and cohesiveness, Graves drew students into the College’s decision-making processes.[279] He initiated his policy of self-determination, appointed students to various College committees, and was available to students. Although Graves also maintained cordial relationships with the city of Williamsburg and Colonial Williamsburg, this community spirit did not encompass much of his faculty.

The severe economic conditions of the 1970s “marked the end to visions of limitless growth for American colleges and universities,” including William and Mary.[280] Nevertheless, Graves was able to add five major buildings and two residential complexes to the campus. His most successful accomplishment was fund-raising, and the College’s endowment rose by $28 million, in addition to private funds for building projects such as the Muscarelle Museum.

Graves’s major contribution to the College was, perhaps, stability of purpose. For the first time since World War II, William and Mary’s basic mission did not change with a new president. Graves had no intention of altering the small-university concept that Paschall had begun, and with him came an end to the quest for identity that had characterized the twentieth century College and was still generally prevalent in higher education during the 1970s.[281]

As an administrator, he knew “how to surround myself with people who were brighter and more talented than I,” Graves later joked.[282] He avoided confrontation, willingly delegated authority, and allowed Provost George Healy to handle the academic, and later budgetary, operations of the College. His business background and his own inclinations made him more of a manager than an academic leader, and with him came the final transformation of the role of the president from a scholarly leader such as Pomfret to an administrator skilled in public relations and fund-raising.[283]

In spite of Graves’s obvious successes, some negatives marred his record. When he first became president—perhaps in a precipitate effort to “do something”—he abolished the School of Continuing Studies with its extension division, which had served the Peninsula since 1919. Then, with a “new broom sweeps clean” philosophy, he quickly replaced veteran administrators whose expertise should have been invaluable. Continuity was unimportant. In his effort to improve the professional schools, especially law and business administration, Graves did not press for a concomitant strengthening of the graduate programs in arts and sciences and in fact, seemed to relegate this “heart of the College” to the sidelines. His relations with the faculty of arts and sciences completely deteriorated during the salary crisis of 1983. In an era of lessening presidential authority, Graves lost control of policy direction to the Board of Visitors, which grew steadily more domineering.[284] After the Board nearly voted “no confidence” in him during the stadium expansion crisis in 1979, Graves had little influence with that body and probably should have resigned.

Graves’s goal for William and Mary had been excellence, which he defined for the State Council of Higher Education as a “commitment to being substantially residential with a strong emphasis on residence halls, campus life, and student organizations, activities, and opportunities to grow, develop, and mature.”[285] By this definition, he achieved his goal. He also had cited as keys to excellence the necessity of remaining a small, residential university; attracting superior students; strengthening graduate, professional, and research programs; and securing outside funding.[286] In these areas, too, Graves had helped to build a better university. By utilizing this popular buzzword of the time, Graves left virtually undefined his concrete goals for the College.[287] Webster’s, however, defines excellence as “superiority,” and William and Mary was a superior college with its unique combination of an undergraduate liberal arts education and select graduate programs. It was not a run-of-the-mill, multipurpose state university but instead, a carefully crafted merger of a solid undergraduate college, a limited graduate university, a public service institution, and a research center. Graves, then, solidified the mission begun by Paschall.

When Graves left the College, private donors established the annual Thomas Ashley Graves, Jr., Award for Sustained Excellence in Teaching in honor of his fourteen years of “selfless service.”[288] With the selection of the next president, William and Mary eagerly awaited a new era and stood poised on the threshold of its fourth century.


  1. FAS Minutes, Nov. 10, Dec. 8, 1970.
  2. BOV Minutes, Jan. 8, 1971; Goodrich Oral History, 20. The search committee consisted of Board members Ernest W. Goodrich, R. Harvey Chappell, Jr., Frank W. Cox, Frederick Deane, Jr., George D. Sands; faculty members W. Warner Moss and Leonard G. Schifrin from arts and sciences and Charles F. Marsh representing the professional schools; students Robert Ranson and Winn Legerton; and alumni Pamela Chinnis and John E. Hocutt Moss to W. Melville Jones, Jan. 26, 1982, micrographics folder, WMA; and Moss interviews with author, Feb. 24, July 18, 1991, described the assistance given the search committee by an ad hoc committee of the faculty of arts and sciences. The 1942 search committee differed from its 1971 counterpart in that it consisted solely of Board members, who sought advice from faculty, alumni, and administrators at other colleges.
  3. Names and biographical information in "Search Committee: All Names," spring 1971, private collection, Williamsburg, Va. Goodrich Oral History, 25–26, and Chappell Oral History, 34, commented on the responsible, cooperative attitude of the entire committee. Jones Oral History, 150–61, told of the orderly process followed.
  4. W. Melville Jones, "Report of the Procedures Followed by the Board of Visitors in the Selection of Thomas A. Graves, Jr., as President of the College of William and Mary, January–May 1971," 8–20. Jones considered forestalling the move to recommend only one person, instead of five, to the Board the turning point of the entire search process. The early favorite, Blake T. Newton, Jr., was an alumnus, a member of the Board, and the president of the Institute of Life Insurance. Jones's report was the basis of an article in the Virginia Gazette, Mar. 28, 1984, describing Graves's election as the College was preparing to select still another president.
  5. Jones, "Report of Procedures," 21–22; BOV Minutes, May 21, 22, 1971; Hull Oral History, 12–13.
  6. Disturbed by the voting process, Board member John Swanson wrote a detailed account of the election. Swanson memo, Oct.1971, private collection, Williamsburg, Va. Chappell interview with author, Jan. 14, 1993. In an interview with author, Jan. 26, 1993, Snyder said that he would have asked for another meeting if he had thought his vote would not be counted.
  7. Jones, "Report of Procedures," 23–24.
  8. Biographical information from Who’s Who in America, 43d ed. (Chicago: A. N. Marquis, 1984), 1273; Alumni Gazette 72 (Oct. 1971): 2–3; Thomas A. Graves, Jr., Faculty/Alumni File.
  9. Alexander W. Astin, Achieving Educational Excellence: A Critical Assessment of Priorities and Practices in Higher Education (San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1985), 14, found that many educational institutions in the 1970s began using corporate techniques and hiring presidents who were "good managers."
  10. Jones, "Report of Procedures," 17–18; Duncan Oral History, 33; Nancy Kurtz Falck Oral History, 18. Falck, who was on the Board, referred to Graves as "an all around jim-dandy college president."
  11. Flat Hat, Sept. 14, 1971.
  12. Flat Hat, Sept. 4, 14, 1971; Alumni Gazette 39 (Dec. 1971): 4–5. At the opening convocation, Graves reiterated his emphasis on a liberal education that would prepare "students to live and make a living."
  13. Astin, Educational Excellence, ix; Inaugural Address of Thomas A. Graves, Jr., Feb. 5, 1972, folder Inauguration, box 4, Graves Papers, 1978.1; Flat Hat, Feb. 11, 1972; Alumni Gazette 39 (Mar. 1972): 9. Graves hoped to encourage a feeling of community at the College, he continued. To serve the broader educational community, the College must continue to nurture Christopher Newport and Richard Bland Colleges and to insure the quality of programs at the Virginia Associated Research Campus, at the Virginia Institute of Marine Science, and in the School of Continuing Studies.
  14. George R. Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991.
  15. Recessions in 1970, 1974–75, and 1982, coupled with rising unemployment and skyrocketing interest rates produced a stagnant but inflationary economy—"stagflation." From 1971 until 1973, the federal government mandated wage and price controls, and in 1978 the government set up voluntary controls. These measures only increased the inflation brought on by the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries' oil boycott in 1973, followed by a series of sharp price increases for oil. Brubacher and Rudy, Higher Education in Transition, 383, described the financial crisis in higher education. By 1970, 71 percent of the nation's colleges were in or near financial difficulty.
  16. FAS Minutes, Feb. 8, 1972; Flat Hat, Feb. 25, 1972.
  17. Appendix 7, FAS Minutes, Oct. 10, 1972; BOV Minutes, Nov. 10, 1972, and enclosure 17, Minutes, Jan. 12, 13, 1973; Self-Study: 1974, 4, 9–11, 485.
  18. Shaner Report, Aug. 20, 1973, folder Shaner Report, box 26, Graves Papers, 1979.84; BOV Minutes, Sept. 28, 29, Nov. 16, 17, 1973; FAS Minutes, Oct. 9, 1973; Flat Hat, Oct. 26, 1973, Feb. 8, 1974.
  19. Self-Study: 1974, 37, 48, 89–90, 96, 102, 166, 170, 214, 437, 483–84, 486; Flat Hat, Feb. 23, 1974; W&M News, Feb.26, 1974.
  20. Report of the Visiting Committee, folder SACS, box 27; and Gordon W. Sweet to Graves, Dec. 16, 1974, folder Self-Study, box 26, both in Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  21. Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 231–33; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 209.
  22. Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 34, suggested four years of English, three or four years of mathematics, two to four years of a foreign language, three years of history and social science, and two or three years of laboratory sciences. The faculty of arts and sciences approved these preparatory courses, in Minutes, May 1, 1984. Survey of Current Enrollment Trends, folder Registrar, box 24, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Report of Admissions Advisory Committee, Dec. 12, 1984, FAC records, private collection; University Data Book, 1991.
  23. Freshman Profile: Class of 1973, in Publications File: Office of Admissions, Freshman Class Profiles (1959–73); chart of mean SATs (1973–84), in Publications File: OIR, Student Data Book, 1985.
  24. An Admissions Policy Committee study revealed that, on the whole, these students had lower SATs and high school GPAs, and their college performance was weaker than that of regular students. Admissions Policy Committee Report: 1976–77, appendix 3, FAS Minutes, May 3, 1977; Flat Hat, Apr. 14, 1978. This trend continued.
  25. Flat Hat, Oct. 1, 1982; W&M News, Dec. 12, 1982.
  26. Report of Self-Study: 1984 (Williamsburg: William and Mary, 1984), 131–34; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 37–38. Federal programs included Pell Grants, Supplemental Educational Opportunity Grants, Guaranteed Student Loans, and the National Direct Student Loan program. State funds provided assistance for Virginia students, and combined federal and state money funded the College Scholarship Assistance Program. Private funds came from the College endowment. Education Amendments of 1972, U.S. Statutes at Large, 92d Cong., 2d sess., P. L. 92–318, vastly increased funding for student aid. See Altbach and Berdahl, eds., Higher Education, 167.
  27. Report of the Committee on International Studies: 1985–86, in Publications File: Arts and Sciences Committees—International Studies; Self-Study: 1984, 154; information on percentage going to graduate school supplied by sociology professor Gary A. Kreps.
  28. Self-Study: 1984, 128; BOV Minutes, Sept. 24, 25, 1971; W&M News, Jan. 23, 1979.
  29. Graves's Inaugural Address; Flat Hat, Sept. 14, 1971.
  30. Paschall, "Conditions Governing Open Houses"; BOV Minutes, Sept. 11, 12, 1970.
  31. Flat Hat, Feb. 11, 25, Mar. 11, Apr. 7, May 5, 1972.
  32. Student Handbook (Williamsburg: William and Mary, 1970), 24–34; Statement of Rights and Responsibilities, in BOV Minutes, July 16, 1973; W&M News, Sept. 4, 1973; Education Amendments of 1972.
  33. Revision of Statement of Rights and Responsibilities, in BOV Minutes, May 12, 13, 14, 1974.
  34. Executive Order 1, Sept. 8, 1971, in BOV Minutes, Sept. 24, 25, 1971. There were four students, two faculty, two administrators, and one person from the larger community on the Publications Council. In addition to the Flat Hat, the council was responsible for the Colonial Echo, the William and Mary Review, and station WCWM-FM.
  35. Flat Hat, Mar. 8, Apr. 19, 26, 1974. Graves received many letters from disturbed parents about streaking. In a message to students, March 12, 1974, he cautioned students about the consequences of the fad. In folder "Streaking," box 30, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  36. Educational Policy Committee report, Dec. 6, 1977, folder FAS (1977), box 2, Graves Papers, 1979.84; FAS Minutes, Dec. 13, 1977, Feb. 7, Oct. 3, 1978, Oct. 2, 1979; Educational Policy Committee report [1979], in FAS Minutes, Feb. 5, 1980; FAS Minutes, May 6, 1980; Undergraduate Catalog: 1981–82, 43. History professor Judith Ewell chaired the ad hoc committee to review the curriculum.
  37. By 1981 students had to take eleven semester courses distributed among humanities, social sciences, and mathematics and physical sciences. Unless exempted by proficiency tests, students had to study a foreign language and English composition, and all students had to present four semester credits in physical education. FAS Minutes, Dec. 1, 1981; Undergraduate Catalog: 1981–82, 43.
  38. FAS Minutes, May 6, 1975, Feb. 5, Apr. 1, 1980; Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 76; Undergraduate Catalog: 1975–76, 64; Undergraduate Catalog: 1980–81, 44; Flat Hat, May 9, 1975, Apr. 4, 1980; W&M News, Oct. 21, 1975.
  39. Report of the Writing Committee, May 1982, folder Writing across the Curriculum, box 7, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129; FAS Minutes, May 5, 1981, Feb. 2, May 4, Dec. 7, 1982. New requirements in Undergraduate Catalog: 1983–84, 42. Professor of English Robert J. Fehrenbach, who chaired the Writing Committee, said in an interview with author, October 22, 1991, that the main thrust of the original program was to help students acquire and maintain a basic proficiency in English composition.
  40. Levine, Undergraduate Curriculum, 419–20, describes these changes.
  41. FAS Minutes, Feb. 8, 1972; Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 78; Report on Project Plus, Feb. 6, 1973, folder Committee on Honors and Experimental Programs, box 23, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  42. Graves to Roger D. Fraley, Jan. 25, 1973, folder Language House, box 18, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Undergraduate Catalog: 1973–74, 121; Self-Study: 1984, 120. French, German, and Spanish were the first language houses, followed by Asia House, Russian Studies, and Italian.
  43. FAS Minutes, Dec. 2, 1980, voted to discontinue Project Plus after 1980–81 and to establish a College Honors Program in 1982–83. FAS Minutes, Mar. 2, 1982, authorized the Presidential Scholars program. Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 56,114; W&M News, May 18, 1982.
  44. FAS Minutes, May 9, 1972, Nov. 2, 1976, Feb. 7, May 1, 1984; BOV Minutes, Nov. 18, 19, 20, 1976, Apr. 27, 1984; Self-Study: 1984, 24.
  45. BOV Minutes, Jan. 22, 23, 24, 1976, Feb. 23, 24, 25, 1978; correspondence in folder Psy. D. Program (1980–85), box 3, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129. The groundwork for still another doctorate—in computer science—had been laid in 1974 when the Board approved such a degree, but it did not begin until 1986. In BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, 1974; folder Dept. of Computer Science (1983–85), box 1, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129. The FAS had also given the green light in 1975, in FAS Minutes, Dec. 2, 1975.
  46. Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 58.
  47. Levine, Undergraduate Curriculum, 102, found that from the early 1960s to the early 1970s, the percentage of A's given in U.S. colleges rose from 16 to 37. Although William and Mary had an increase, it never reached this proportion. According to one study, from 1964 to 1971, A's rose from 12.5 to 19 percent; B's from 33.4 to 39.3 percent. David Kranbuehl to Graves, June 16, 1975, folder FAS (1975), box 2, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  48. Dean of the FAS report in George R. Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1972–73, notebook, box 15, Graves Papers, 1983.38.
  49. FAS Minutes, Oct. 4, 1977.
  50. In 1971, 16 percent of grades were A's, 33 percent were B's. In 1984, 20.8 percent were A's, 32.7 percent were B's. OIR, Percentage Distribution of Undergraduate Grades: Fall Semesters, 1967 through 1984, in Student Data Book (1985) and University Data Book (1991). Many argue that, because the College attracted such high-caliber students, it was normal that so many earned A's and B's.
  51. William C. Pollard to William J. Carter, Nov. 20, 1974, folder Swem Library (1972–78), box 14, Provost's Office Files; Kay J. Domine, university archivist, interview with author, Aug. 29, 1991; W&M News, Mar. 6, 1973, Oct. 21, 1975, Mar. 15, 1977.
  52. Pollard to Healy, Apr. 4, 1977, folder Library, box 19, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Flat Hat, Apr. 29, Sept. 9, 1977. Pollard became head librarian at Mary Baldwin College. After Pollard left, Alva Stewart, then Ailene Zirkle, then John D. Haskell, Jr., served as acting librarian. Haskell had arrived in October 1978 as the new associate librarian.
  53. Resume in Faculty/Alumni File. The professional staff of the library had solidly opposed Currie's appointment and stressed that there were American-born librarians with better qualifications. Some on the staff had asked the Department of labor to block Currie's work certificate, which it did in August 1978. The College appealed and the labor Department granted the permit in early 1979, and Currie arrived at William and Mary in March. See Subject File, Library—Librarian Controversy, 1978–79; Flat Hat, Mar. 2, Sept. 1, 29, 1978, Feb. 16, Mar. 23, 1979.
  54. Council of Higher Education: College and University Libraries—Fall 1985 questionnaire, folder Questionnaires—HEGIS, (1982–85), box 5, Librarian's Office Files, 1989.130. Book acquisitions received a severe setback in 1979–80 when, as a cost-cutting mechanism, Currie announced a moratorium on such purchases. Flat Hat, Oct. 26, 1979.
  55. Margaret C. Cook, curator of manuscripts and rare books, interview with author, Aug. 29, 1991; Self Study: 1984, 94. Among the important manuscript collections acquired were the papers of John Tyler, son of President John Tyler; the personal papers and copies of public papers of Governor Mills E. Godwin; the Galt Family Papers; the papers of John Boyd Bentley, bishop of Alaska; the papers of Vincent DeVita, Jr., head of the National Cancer Institute; the papers of Lieutenant Governor Richard Davis; the papers of Admiral John Lesslie Hall, Jr., naval officer.
  56. Flat Hat, Sept. 23, 1983; architect's plans of 1985 in folder Swem Library—Building Advisory Committee, box 7, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129.
  57. BOV Minutes, June 29, 1984.
  58. Healy to Currie, May 6, 14, 1985, folder Librarian Evaluation Committee, box 7, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129; Richmond Times-Dispatch, Aug. 29, 1985.
  59. BOV Minutes, Sept. 22, 23, 1972, May 2, 3, 1975, Feb. 27, Oct. 30, 31, 1981, Feb.19, 1982; W&M News, Dec. 4, 1973, May 6, Oct. 14, 1975, Sept. 7, 1976; Flat Hat, Mar. 3, 1972, Feb. 16, 1973, Feb. 6, 1981.
  60. Two major gifts—$600,000 from Joseph L. and Margaret Muscarelle, and $300,000 from Gilbert and Jeanne Kinnamon—and challenge grant funds paid for Phase I of the new museum. Of ultramodern architecture, built of dark brick, the museum has a long wall of reinforced fiberglass cylinders filled with water of different colors and illuminated at night. It stands in vivid contrast to the openness and the conservative architectural style of the new campus. BOV Minutes, Oct. 17, 18, 1980; W&M News, Feb. 10, 1981, Aug. 30, Oct. 18, 1983; Flat Hat, Oct. 24, 1980, Sept. 11, 1981, Oct. 21, 1983; Daily Press, Nov. 7, 1983.
  61. Flat Hat, Aug. 29, 1980.
  62. Summary of improvements in physical facilities in special issue of W&M News, [December 1984]; Report on Buildings and Grounds Progress, in W&M News, Feb. 3, 1976.
  63. William J. Carter to Graves, Sept. 20, 1979; Carter to J. Stuart Barrett, Nov. 1, 1979, both in BOV Minutes, Nov. 30, Dec. 1, 1979; BOV Minutes, July 8, 1980, July 14, 1981; report of Asbestos Hazard Advisory Committee, cited in BOV Minutes, Oct. 21, 1980; FAS Minutes, Apr. 7, Dec. 1, 1981; Flat Hat, Mar. 16, Oct. 26, 1979, Aug. 29, Sept. 19, 1980. Faculty leaders in the asbestos removal effort were Ludwell H. Johnson, Hans C. von Baeyer, and Eric L. Bradley.
  64. Maintenance agreements between Colonial Williamsburg and the College, cited in BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 17, 1973, Oct. 27, 28, 1978, June 29, 1984. Folders CW, box 8, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and box 5, Graves Papers, 1982.59, contain voluminous friendly correspondence between officials of both organizations.
  65. BOV Minutes, Jan.16, 17, Mar. 7, 8, Apr. 17, July 15, 1975, Dec. 8, 9, 10, 1977, Apr. 27, 28, 29, 1978, Apr. 24, 25, 1981. The College developed Ash Lawn into a historical tourist attraction and a site for special events.
  66. BOV Minutes, Nov. 30, Dec. 1, 1979, Feb. 22, 23, 1980; W&M News, Feb. 26, 1980, Jan. 10, 1985; Consolidated Register of Real Property, Apr. 1, 1978, in enclosure 23, BOV Minutes, Apr. 27, 28, 29, 1978; Real Property Inventory, March 1987, in Publications File. The Goodwin Islands were donated to William and Mary in December 1984 by the Environmental Preservation Co. for use by the College and VIMS.
  67. The College had bought the airport from the city of Williamsburg for $10,000. During World War II, the federal government took fifty-six acres for a reservoir; and later, the Virginia Department of Highways took another five acres. The Peninsula Airport Commission was interested in buying the property in 1976, but local opposition forestalled the move. Graves to Gov. Godwin, June 4, 24, 1976; Godwin to Graves, June 22, 1976, all in folder Property—CWM, box 23, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Graves to BOV executive committee, July 17, 1976, folder BOV, box 5, Graves Papers, 1979.84. Resolutions in BOV Minutes, Mar. 18, 19, 1977, and Dec. 5, 6, 1980 directed Graves to continue to try to sell the land. More on Graves's efforts in folder College Airport (1979), box 1, Graves Papers, 1982.59.
  68. Spending cuts and reversions of funds chronicled in W&M News, Dec. 4, 1973, Feb. 12, 1974, Sept. 21, 1976, Jan. 25, 1977, Apr. 7, 1981, Jan. 21, 1983; FAS Minutes, Feb. 12, 1974, Mar. 1, 1983; BOV Minutes, Jan. 21, 22, 1977, Aug. 17, 1982. Graves's presentations to House Appropriations Committee, cited in W&M News, Feb. 12, 1974, Feb. 7,1978.
  69. Rates for Virginia students rose from $660 a year in 1971–72 to $2,000 a year in 1984–85; for out-of-state students from $1,594 to $5,420. Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 69; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 40.
  70. Acts of Assembly: 1972–1984, passim. The College consistently lagged behind the University of Virginia and Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University as well as Old Dominion University and Virginia Commonwealth University, in appropriations for capital outlay and operating expenses.
  71. College of William and Mary Financial Report: 1984–85, in Publications File: Financial Records.
  72. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, Sept. 22, 23, 1972, Mar. 23, 1973, Jan. 10, 11, 1974. Paschall had suggested such a consolidation while he was still president, in Paschall, "Highlights of Progress," 59.
  73. BOV Minutes, July 17, 1974, Jan. 16, 17, 1975; Warren Heemann to Graves, Mar. 12, 1976, in BOV Minutes, May 13, 14, 1976; Campaign for the College: Final Report, Dec. 1, 1979, loose in box 4a, Graves Papers, 1982.59.
  74. College of William and Mary Financial Reports, June 30, 1971, June 30, 1985; Statement of Endowment Funds: 1985 and 1986, from Endowment Association Office. In 1985 the Board of Visitors controlled $10,525,449; the Endowment Association, $28,736,729. The Chronicle of Higher Education ranked the College's endowment as 21st among public institutions and 117th among all educational institutions, cited in W&M News, June 28, 1985.
  75. Self-Study: 1984, 16. Healy, interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991, also remained skeptical of long-range planning in a state-supported institution where appropriations fluctuate with the economy.
  76. Altbach and Berdahl, eds. Higher Education, 106, 109; Rudolph, Curriculum, 287.
  77. BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 17, 1973, May 2, 3, 1975; correspondence in folder James P. Whyte, box 35, Graves Papers, 1979.84; W&M News, June 17, 1974, May 22, 1975; Flat Hat, Apr. 10, Nov. 9, 1973. The Council on Legal Education Opportunity (CLEO) program, designed to recruit potential law students from disadvantaged and minority backgrounds, sponsored summer institutes at alternating law schools to raise students' admissions readiness. Whyte resigned as dean in May 1975 in the wake of the Board's refusal to appoint the law school's choice of a controversial black to the faculty. Emeric Fischer became acting dean in August 1975.
  78. As soon as the College heard about this new organization, it began campaigning for its location in Williamsburg and enlisted the help of city officials, Colonial Williamsburg, and prominent Virginia jurists. From the law school, Dean Whyte and Professor William Swindler were especially active. See correspondence in folders National Center for State Courts, boxes 2, 3, Executive Vice-President's Office Files, 1983.68. The Board consistently supported the plan, in Minutes, Sept. 22, 23, 1972, Jan. 12, 13, 1973, resolution W-1, Nov. 16, 17, 1973.
  79. The College and the National Center executed the lease on Feb. 9, 1974, for rent of one dollar for fifty years with a twenty-five-year renewal option. In resolution W-1, accompanying lease, BOV Minutes, Feb. 9, 1974.
  80. James P. White, of the Council of the Section of Legal Education and Admissions to the Bar and its Accreditation Committee, to Graves and Whyte, July 31, 1975, folder Law School (Jan.–Aug. 1975), box 5, Graves Papers, 1978.1. ABA consultant's quote cited in BOV Minutes, Sept. 19, 20, 1975.
  81. Graves's efforts to avert the crisis in Graves to Godwin, Sept. 22, 30, 1975; Godwin to Graves, Sept. 26, 1975; Graves statement, Oct. 15, 1975, all in folder Law School (Sept., Oct. 1975), box 5, Graves Papers, 1978.1. This folder is full of similar correspondence, and more is in folders Law School (Dec. 1975, Jan. 1976, Feb.–Mar. 1976), box 18, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  82. White to Fischer, Apr. 26, 1976; White to Graves, Fischer, and William Spong, May 28, 1976, both in folder Law School (1976), box 18, Graves Papers, 1979.84; report on Law School accreditation, May 14, 1976, enclosure 19, BOV Minutes, June 17, 1976, found that the College was in compliance with American Bar Association standards on admissions, faculty salaries and autonomy, and the law library, but not on its physical facilities.
  83. William B. Spong was selected in late 1975, became dean in July 1976, and served for nine years. BOV Minutes, Nov. 21, 22, 1975, May 13, 14, 1976, Apr. 25, 1985.
  84. OIR, Instructional Staff: Fall Semester 1984, folder Faculty Data, box 2, OIR Files; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 209. The law school attracted an increasing number of applicants until 1984 when, reflecting a national trend, applications dropped about 13 percent. Publications File: MWSL Faculty Minutes, Mar. 12, 1981,Sept. 1,1983, Feb. 24, Aug. 23, 1984.
  85. Spong had insisted on more autonomy for the dean, and the Board complied by allowing him to report to the president rather than to the vice-president for academic affairs. Spong to Graves, Nov. 17, 19, 1975, folder Law School—Deanship, box 5, Graves Papers, 1978.1.
  86. The Cutler Lectures had run from 1927 until 1944, then stopped until the law school revived them.
  87. BOV Minutes, Nov. 18, 19, 20, 1976, Apr. 23, 24, 1982; W&M News, Nov. 17, 1981, Mar. 30, 1982, Mar. 13, Nov. 28, 1984, Apr. 17, 1985.
  88. The Alfred Wilson Lee and Mary I. W. Lee Memorial Trust provided $250,000 annually for seven years—a total of $1.75 million—and was the College's largest single gift to date. The dean of the law school was also director of the institute. Resolution W-30, BOV Minutes, Apr. 23, 24, 1982; resolution W-4, BOV Minutes, July 6, 1982; W&M News, Apr. 27, 1982.
  89. Resolution W-13, BOV Minutes, June 29, 1984; W&M News, Sept. 16, 1980.
  90. Only fifty-six other law schools in the nation were members, but the faculty declined to wear "coifs" for commencement. Publications File: MWSL Faculty Minutes, Nov. 18, 1982, Apr. 28, 1983; W&M News, Apr. 28, 1981.
  91. Scott van Alstyne, professor of law at the University of Florida, writing in USA Today, Feb. 12, 1983, ranked Marshall-Wythe among the top thirty-six law schools in the country; and in 1984 the National Law Journal placed it among the fifteen best.
  92. School of Business Administration Catalog: 1972–73, 6; SBA Faculty Minutes, May 19, 1972, Jan. 23, 1974; BOV Minutes, May 17, 18, 1974; Charles L. Quittmeyer, annual report, June 10, 1974, folder Annual Reports, box 1, Quittmeyer Papers; Quittmeyer interview with author, July 30, 1991.
  93. Student Data Book (1985); Flat Hat, Oct. 5, 1979, Sept. 4, 1981.
  94. OIR, Instructional Staff: Fall Semester 1984, folder Faculty Data, box 2, OIR Files; salary information from OIR, Faculty Data Book (1987).
  95. Quittmeyer speech, June 1975, in Publications File: SBA—Dean.
  96. Quittmeyer, "Business Administration," 90; SBA: MBA Program, 1985–86, 24; Center for Executive Development brochures in Publications File: SBA—Bureau of Business Research, folder, SBA
  97. Sponsors Board annual reports, 1971–84, related correspondence, and membership lists, all in boxes 6, 7, Quittmeyer Papers; reports on private funds, folder SBA, box 6, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and in folder Business Administration (1974), box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1. The professorships were J. Edward Zollinger, J. S. Mack, Richard S. Reynolds, Jr., Floyd Dewey Gottwald, Chessie, and D. H. Ryan.
  98. SBA Faculty Minutes, Jan. 23, Sept. 3, 1976; W&M News, Nov. 2, 1976.
  99. SBA Faculty Minutes, Nov. 30, 1973; BOV Minutes, Nov. 16, 17, 1973; Flat Hat, Apr. 20, 1976. The Businessman in Residence was sponsored by the New England Mutual Life Insurance Company.
  100. Quittmeyer interview with author, July 30, 1991; W&M News, May 14, 1974, July 11, 1978.
  101. John C. Jamison had been a limited partner in the New York firm of Goldman, Sachs, and Company for twenty years. New programs other than the executive master of business administration would include a part-time master's program at Christopher Newport and a joint juris doctor-master of business administration degree with the law school. SBA Faculty Minutes, May 2, 3, Sept. 2, Nov. 4, 1983, Sept. 14, 1984; BOV Minutes, Jan. 16, 1983, Dec. 7, 8, 1984, May 12, 1985; Flat Hat, Oct. 21, 1983; W&M News, June 28, 1985.
  102. Richard B. Brooks retired in 1974. James M. Yankovich had been dean of academic affairs and associate professor of education at the University of Michigan, Flint. John M. Nagle was assistant dean of Northern Illinois University's College of Education. BOV Minutes, Feb. 9, 1974, Dec. 2, 3, 1983; School of Education Faculty Minutes, Sept. 9, 1977, folder SE (1977), box 11, Graves Papers. 1979.84; W&M News, Feb. 12, 1974, Mar. 29, 1983.
  103. Student Data Book (1985); University Data Book (1991); OIR, Instructional Staff: Fall Semester 1984, folder Faculty Data, box 2, OIR Files; salary information from Faculty Data Book (1987).
  104. School of Education: Graduate Programs, 1984–85, 22; SE Faculty Minutes, Mar. 14, 1975, folder SE (1975), box 11, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 181, 186, 199. The certificate of advanced graduate study required thirty hours beyond the master's degree.
  105. Brooks, Chesser, Haygood, "School of Education," n.p.; report of the NCATE Reappraisal Committee on W&M, Apr. 1, 1974, attached to SE Faculty Minutes, May 10, 1974; SE Faculty Minutes, Dec. 13, 1974, both in Publications File; Flat Hat, Sept. 7, 1979; Self-Study: 1984, 169–70.
  106. SE: Annual reports, 1970–71, 1974–75, 1976–77, 1978–79, all in Publications File; Plan for Adult Skills Program, folder SE (1975), box 11, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  107. SE Faculty Minutes, Mar. 21, Oct. 11, 1974; Self-Study: 1984, 180.
  108. W&M News, Apr. 10, 1985.
  109. BOV Minutes, Sept. 22, 23, 1972; Healy, Interim Report on VIMS, appendix C, BOV Minutes, Jan. 12, 13, 1973; W&M News, Sept. 6, 1990, gives a chronology of VIMS's history. Healy described the ongoing independence of VIMS in fiscal control, administrative decisions, selection of faculty and students, and university supervision. Students could still earn a doctorate at VIMS without setting foot on the Williamsburg campus.
  110. The General Assembly's Joint Legislative Audit and Review Committee (JLARC) briefed Governor John N. Dalton on the serious irregularities at VIMS, whose Board of Administration vigorously defended its management. Ray D. Pettsfel to Omar L. Hirst and members of JLARC, May 9, 1978, listing over $537,724 in operating funds spent on four capital projects; Graves to BOV, June 2, 1978, enclosing Dalton's remarks to the Board of Administration of VIMS; William J. Hargis, Jr., to members of VIMS Board of Administration, June 6, 7, 1978, defending his actions; Gilbert L. Morton, chair of the Board of Administration, to Dalton, June 13, 1978, all in folder VIMS—History, box 16, Provost's Office Files; more on state audits in folders VIMS (1979), box 15, Graves Papers, 1982.59.
  111. Resolution W-8, BOV Minutes, Dec. 7, 8, 9, 1978; Acts of Assembly: 1979, chap. 294; Flat Hat, Sept. 7, 1979.
  112. Since the debt was incurred before the College took control of VIMS, the state forgave a large portion of it. Graves, A Progress Report: VIMS, Feb. 23, 1980, in BOV Minutes, Feb. 22, 23, 1980. Koehly became fulltime associate director in 1984, in BOV Minutes, Dec. 28, 1983.
  113. Frank O. Perkins had been at VIMS since 1966, became acting dean in July 1981 and dean in April 1982. The search committee's three outside candidates turned down the post. BOV Minutes, Oct. 17, 18, 1980, Apr. 24, 25, July 14, Aug. 17, 1981, Apr. 23, 24, 1982.
  114. Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 217; Student Data Book (1985); School of Marine Science Catalog: 1984–85, 15.
  115. OIR, Instructional Staff: Fall 1984, folder Faculty Data, box 2, OIR Files. While VIMS was autonomous, its personnel had held classified state positions. In 1980 the Board authorized faculty status for them, and by 1984 the conversion was under way. Resolution W-25, Faculty Status of the SMS, BOV Minutes, Apr. 25, 26, 1980; resolution W-9, BOV Minutes, June 29, 1984.
  116. Self-Study: 1984, 182; Hargis, VIMS, 19–20, 22–23; resolution VM-2, BOV Minutes, Apr. 23, 24, 1982; VIMS: Virginia's Marine Science, Engineering and Advisory Program, October 1974, folder VIMS, box 34, Graves Papers, 1979.84; W&M News, Oct. 31, 1984; "Sea Grant's Marine Advisory Service" brochure, 1991; Compact of By-laws of the Virginia Graduate Marine Science Consortium, rev. Feb. 27, 1984, in Publications File: VIMS.
  117. Dean and Department Heads of the FAS to individual members of the BOV, the president, and the vice-president, Nov. 14, 1968, in BOV Minutes, Jan. 11, 1969; recommendations of the ad hoc committee to study programs of the SCS, 1971, in BOV Minutes, Sept. 24, 25, 1971.
  118. Healy recommended that Christopher Newport teach undergraduate courses and that the evening college handle graduate offerings at Williamsburg and at VARC. Healy's report on Continuing Studies, enclosure 8, BOV Minutes, Nov. 19, 20, 1971; BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, Sept. 22, 23, 1972; Alumni Gazette 39 (Mar. 1972): 5.
  119. Goodrich interview with author, Oct. 14, 1991; Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991.
  120. BOV Minutes, Sept. 22, 23, 1972, Jan. 12, 13, 1973; Self-Study: 1984, 158; Bulletin: Special Programs, folder Office of Special Programs, box 27, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  121. Subject File, Evening College; Self-Study: 1984, 148–49, 164–65, 173–74.
  122. Self-Study: 1984, 224–27, 230; Flat Hat, Oct. 20, 1978, Aug. 31, 1984; W&M News, Nov. 9, 1976, Sept. 1, 1981; BOV Minutes, Apr. 26, 1985.
  123. Stephen G. Kurtz left the Institute in 1972 to become dean of the faculty at Hamilton College. Thad W. Tate brought experience in both sponsoring institutions to his post He had been in Colonial Williamsburg's research department from 1954 to 1961, then joined the College's history department in 1961 and rose to full professor eight years later. While teaching, he also was book review editor of the Quarterly from 1961 to 1966, when he became editor. Biographical information from Directory of American Scholars, 8th ed. (New York: R. R. Bowker, 1982), 1:759.
  124. “Half a Century of Books”; Publications File: IEAHC—Publications List. Pulitzer Prize winner was Rhys Isaac, The Transformation of Virginia, 1740–1790. Norman S. Fiering was editor of book publications until 1984, when Philip Morgan replaced him.
  125. Tate interview with author, Nov. 22, 1991; newsletters in folders IEAHC, boxes 16 and 17a, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and in folder 19, box 11, Cappon Papers; Annual Reports of the Director: 1975–85, Kellock Library, passim; W&M News, Oct. 28, 1975, Oct 21, 1980, Mar. 30, 1982, Mar. 27, 1984, Mar. 20, 1985.
  126. Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 114; Annual Report of the Director: 1977.
  127. Minutes of the annual meeting of the council, Apr. 27, 1973, Kellock Library; Tate to Graves, Feb. 20, 1981, folder IEAHC, box 9, Provost's Office Files; Annual Reports of the Director: 1978–85, passim. A senior fellow, as distinguished from a postdoctoral fellow, has a solid publishing record.
  128. Michael McGiffert was visiting editor of the Quarterly from 1972 to 1974, when he became permanent editor. Council Minutes, Apr. 27, 1973, Apr. 26, 1974.
  129. The award, in memory of the Quarterly's first editor, Douglass Adair, was sponsored by the Institute and the Claremont Graduate School. The first recipient, Edmund S. Morgan, received $500, a gold medal, and a commemorative scroll. Annual Reports of the Director: 1975, 1976, 1983, 1984; W&M News, Apr. 13, 1976.
  130. Annual Report of the Director: 1983.
  131. Council Minutes, Apr. 27, 1973, May 4, 5, 1979; Annual Reports of the Director: 1975, 1977, 1978, 1981, 1982; “Half a Century of Books” ; W&M News, Apr. 24, 1973, Nov.12, 1974, Sept. 21, 1976, Dec. 20, 1977, Mar. 18, 1980; reports on John Marshall Papers, 1973–81, folder 5, box 12, Cappon Papers.
  132. Tate, memo on the Atlas, n.d., folder IEAHC, box 16, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Annual Reports of the Director, 1975, 1976; Council Minutes, May 6, 1976.
  133. Graves to Carlisle H. Humelsine, May 20, 1977; Humelsine to Graves, May 24, 1977, both in folder IEAHC, box 16, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Annual Reports of the Director: 1977–1983; Tate, "A Development Plan for the IEAHC: 1982–1985," folder IEAHC (1981), box 9, Graves Papers, 1984.42. From 1977 to 1985, the director's annual reports and the council minutes were dominated by budget concerns and ways to raise money. After 1977 the Institute gained tax-exempt status, amassed endowment funds of nearly $400,000, secured government and foundation grants, established the Associates of the Institute, and became the beneficiary of bequests. Tate himself raised about $1.5 million in outside money.
  134. Tate interview with author, Nov. 22, 1991.
  135. W&M News, Sept. 19, 1972, Nov. 4, 1975; Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 217; Self-Study: 1984, 170.
  136. Correspondence about the deterioration of the University Center and the College's reactions in folder University Center in Virginia, box 33, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and folder University Center in Virginia (1978–80), box 14, Graves Papers, 1985.37.
  137. Vital Facts (1989), 40–43; W&M News, Oct. 12, 26, 1976, Apr. 28, May 5, 1981, June 7, 1983; Flat Hat, Oct. 1, 8, 29, 1976, Apr. 8, 22, 1983.
  138. A Report of a Self-Study of the Christopher Newport College of the College of William and Mary in Virginia: 1975, 4–5, 279–81, in Publications File: Branch Campuses: CNC, box F-T; CNC ... Announcements: 1971–72, 53, and CNC Faculty Handbook, 1976, both in Publications File: Associated and Branch Campuses—CNC Bulletin Series; BOV Minutes, Aug. 10, 1971.
  139. Admissions required high school graduation, a C average, sixteen units, and acceptable SAT scores, which dropped slightly to 926. CNC Self-Study: 1975, 30, 44–45, 47, 50, 243; resolution W-20, BOV Minutes, May 12, 13, 14, 1977.
  140. BOV Minutes, Nov. 10, 1972, May 18, 19, 1973; Graves to R. Harvey Chappell, Jr., Jan. 16, 1974. Graves expressed similar sentiments in another letter to Chappell, Feb. 17, 1975, both in folder CNC (1975), box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1. Chappell himself considered the branch colleges very valuable to William and Mary, in Chappell Oral History, 24.
  141. James C. Windsor's presentation to State Council, Apr. 1, 1975. Windsor made the same case to Daniel Marvin, director of the State Council, May 23, 1975, and to the BOV, May 3, 1975. All in folder CNC (1975), box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1. Board member E. Ralph James, Oral History, 16A, traced the impetus for independence back to H. Westcott Cunningham's presidency.
  142. Resolution of the CNC Alumni Association, Oct. 21, 1975; resolution of the Advisory Council, Nov. 13, 1975; Newport News Times-Herald, Nov. 25, 1975.
  143. BOV Minutes, Nov. 21, 22, 1975; W&M News, Nov. 25, 1975.
  144. Delegate Lewis McMurran had initially opposed independence but responded to his constituents' wishes, in Graves to Chappell, Nov. 5, 1975, folder CNC (1975), box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1; Acts of Assembly: 1976, chap. 21; resolution W-20, BOV Minutes, May 12, 13, 14, 1976; W&M News, Aug. 10, 1976.
  145. The College had appealed the federal district court's decision preventing Richard Bland's escalation to four years to the United States Supreme Court, which declined to hear the appeal. BOV Minutes, May 20, 21, 22, 1971; Graves's report, in BOV Minutes, Nov.19, 20, 1971; FAS Minutes, Nov. 9, 1971; Flat Hat, Oct. 29, 1971.
  146. The FAC pointed to Richard Bland's long history of embarrassment and discredit to William and Mary. Cited by Graves in BOV Minutes, Nov. 19, 20, 1971.
  147. Healy to Graves, report on RBC, Apr. 10, 1972, folder Branch Colleges: RBC, box 2, Provost's Office Files; Graves to BOV, n.d., appendix C, BOV Minutes, May 18, 19, 1973. The best thing about Richard Bland was its maintenance standards, Healy wrote. Although it was an asset to Southside Virginia, "if Richard Bland College did not exist, there would be no need to create it."
  148. James M. Carson to Graves, May 3, Aug. 23, 29, 1972, all in folder Chappell, box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1; BOV Minutes, May 18, 19, Sept. 28, 29, 1973, Feb. 9, May 17, 18, 1974, Mar. 7, 8, 1975; Richmond News Leader, May 25, 1973. Clarence Maze had been dean of academic affairs at Glenville State College in West Virginia.
  149. Along the way, there were suggestions that Richard Bland be converted to a two-year residential school for gifted and talented high school students, but nothing came of the idea. E.g., Healy to Graves, Oct. 29, 1973, folder RBC (1973–75); Committee to Study Future Directions, "Future Directions of RBC," presented to State Council of Higher Education, Oct. 5, 1976, folder RBC (1973–76) both folders in box 25, Graves Papers, 1979.84; BOV Minutes, Mar. 18, 19, 1977.
  150. Self-Study Report—Richard Bland College: 1978, 7, 9, 104, in Publications File: Associated and Branch Campuses—RBC; RBC Mission Statement, in BOV Minutes, Oct. 27, 28, 1978; RBC of CWM, Apr. 26, 1979, folder RBC (1979), box 12, Graves Papers, 1982.59; The College Blue Book: Narrative Descriptions, 20th ed. (New York: Macmillan, 1985), 730; Richard Bland College Catalog: 1989–91, 34. Thirty faculty were full-time, sixteen part-time.
  151. Flat Hat, Nov. 8, 1991, has an informative article on Richard Bland's development.
  152. Initially, William and Mary, the University of Virginia, and Virginia Polytechnic Institute, and later, the Medical College of Virginia shared the management of VARC. In 1967 the College assumed sole management.
  153. Memorandum of Agreement Reduced NASA Support of SREL, Apr. 6, 1971, folder VARC, 1, box 33, Graves Papers, 1979.84; BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, Sept. 22, 23, 1972, Feb. 23, 25, 1978; status reports on SREL, enclosure 15, BOV Minutes, Jan. 12, 13, 1973, and enclosure 46, BOV Minutes, May 17, 18, 1974.
  154. Henry A. Aceto, Jr., was associate professor of biology and assistant director of SREL. Various suggestions for VARC's future direction were in report of VARC Study Committee, Oct. 10, 1972, folder VARC, 1, box 33, Graves Papers, 1979.84; report of ad hoc committee to study the future of VARC, Dec. 8, 1976; Healy to Graves, Jan. 13, Mar. 24, 1977; Kranbuehl to Healy, May 4, 1977, all in folder VARC, box 15, Provost's Office Files.
  155. Richard B. Sherman to William J. Carter, History and Analysis: VARC and the SREL, Aug. 7, 1980, folder VARC, box 5, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129; special report on VARC, W&M News, Dec. 4, 1979; Self-Study: 1984, 156.
  156. SURA's Bylaws and Articles of Incorporation, folder SURA (1978–80), box 14, Graves Papers, 1984.42; Hans C. von Baeyer to Healy, Feb. 2, 1981; Healy to von Baeyer, May 2, 1984, both in folder VARC, box 15, Provost's Office Files; Healy to von Baeyer, Sept. 10, 1984, folder VARC, box 5, Dean of the FAS Office Files, 1989.129; resolution V-1, BOV Minutes, Feb. 27, 1981; Self-Study: 1984, 156. The Daily Press, Sept. 1, 2, 3, 4, 1991, carried a series of articles on the origins and development of CEBAF.
  157. Graves used several techniques to remove administrators. In 1972 he got the Board to lower the mandatory retirement age from seventy to sixty-five, and soon such stalwarts as J. Wilfred Lambert, vice-president for student affairs; Harold L. Fowler, dean of the faculty of arts and sciences; Birdena E. Donaldson, dean of women; and Robert T. English, Jr., vice-president for business affairs, retired. BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, 1972; FAS Minutes, Nov. 14, 1972; Graves to faculty, administration, and staff, Apr. 3, 1972, folder Retirement Policy, box 25, Graves Papers, 1979.84. Age Discrimination in Employment Act, Amendments of 1978, U.S. Statutes at Large, P. L. 95–256, 95th Cong., 2d sess., ended involuntary retirement before age seventy (tenured faculty could still be retired at sixty-five until 1982). Following the federal lead, the Board (Minutes, Dec. 7, 8, 9, 1978) rescinded its 1972 policy. In 1974 the College began a policy of evaluating administrative personnel, which irritated some, but gave Graves the justification to remove others. BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, 1974; Policies and Procedures of Evaluation of Administrative Personnel, in W&M News, Dec. 9, 1975.
  158. Undergraduate Catalog: 1971–72, 8–10; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 5-7. Exceptions were James S. Kelly, assistant to the president, and H. Lester Hooker, Jr., director of William and Mary Hall.
  159. Carter O. Lowance left in 1974. He had come to the College in 1970 after serving as chief executive assistant to six Virginia governors. When Mills E. Godwin was reelected, Lowance returned to his staff. W&M News, July 23, 1974.
  160. Graves to College community, Apr. 14, 1972; Graves to faculty and administration, June 26, 1972, both in folder Dean of Undergraduate Program, box 33, Graves Papers, 1979.84; BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, Nov. 11, 1972, Jan. 12, 13, 1973; Graves to W. Samuel Sadler, Jan. 15, 1973, folder Dean of Students, box 31, Graves Papers, 1979.84. Sadler explained the reorganization of student affairs in a letter to the editor, Flat Hat, Feb. 9, 1973, and evaluated the restructuring a year later, Flat Hat, May 10, 1974.
  161. BOV Minutes, Oct. 28, 1983; W&M News, Nov. 1, 1983; Flat Hat, Nov. 4, 1983; Self-Study: 1984, 13, 17.
  162. BOV Minutes, May 5, 6, 1972, Jan. 29, July6, 1982; Alumni Gazette 39 (May 1972): 3; W&M News, July 6, 1982. William J. Carter had been business manager at Hollins College since 1963 and became associate treasurer in 1970. Lawrence W. Broomall, Jr., had held various budgetary positions at Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University since 1976.
  163. Self-Study: 1984, 14–16; W&M News, Jan. 17, 1984.
  164. Healy had been dean of the faculty at Bates College in Lewiston, Maine, since 1962 and had been selected by a search committee chaired by Harold L. Fowler. Correspondence in folder Committees—V. P. for Academic Affairs, box 2, Executive Vice-President's Office Files; BOV Minutes, Aug. 10, 1971, July 20, 1983; Alumni Gazette 39 (Oct. 1971): 6; Self-Study: 1984, 12. Self-Study: 1974, 452, had recommended a provost.
  165. Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991.
  166. Ibid.
  167. John E. Selby interview with author, Nov. 19, 1991; Jack D. Edwards interview with author, Feb. 2, 1992; Council of Deans in Healy, Annual Reports to the President: 1972–73, 1973–74, 1975–76, box 15, Graves Papers, 1983.38.
  168. Annual reports of the dean of the FAS: 1973–74, 1980–81; annual report of the dean of students: 1980–81, all in Healy, Annual Reports to the President.
  169. W&M News, Apr. 9, 1974; folder President's Advisory Council, box 22, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  170. BOV Minutes, May 5, 6, 1972; Graves Papers, all series, passim.
  171. Goodrich interview with author, Oct. 14, 1991.
  172. Graves to Chappell. Jan. 10, 1973, folder Chappell, box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1; resolution W-16, BOV Minutes, May 18, 19, 1973; W&M News, Oct. 2, 1973.
  173. New members were Joseph E. Baker, Edward E. Brickell, former William and Mary football coach Milton L. Drewer, Jr., Herbert V. Kelly, and Raymond T. Waller. BOV Minutes, Mar. 26, 27, 1976; Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1976–77; W&M News, Mar. 16, 1976, Feb. 26, 1980.
  174. The College's royal charter referred to the rector of the College, and Graves agreed that this nomenclature was correct. Robert J. Faulconer to Brickell, Feb. 26, 1980; Brickell to Faulconer, Mar. 7, 1980; Ross L. Weeks, Jr., to Graves, Mar. 27, 1980; Graves to Brickell, Mar. 27, 1980, all in BOV Minutes, Mar. 28, 1980; resolution W-15, By-laws changes, BOV Minutes, Oct. 17, 18, 1980; W&M News, Feb. 28, 1978, Feb. 23, 1982.
  175. The Virginia Freedom of Information Act, Acts of Assembly: 1968, chap. 479. Amendments were enacted in 1970, 1971, 1974, 1976, and 1979. BOV Minutes, May 20, 21, 22, 1971, May 18, 19, 1973, Sept. 23, 24, 25, 1976; Weeks to Graves, Nov. 17, 1972, had suggested advanced preparation of press releases about Board meetings; Graves to Weeks, Nov. 28, 1972, concurred; Weeks to Graves. Jan. 8, 1973, enclosing report of Board meeting to be held five days later, all in folder Weeks, box 34, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Graves to BOV, July 8, 1976, folder BOV, box 5, Graves Papers, 1979.84. Exempt from public disclosure and thus debated in executive sessions were matters concerning personnel, real property, investing public funds, and litigation.
  176. BOV Minutes, Apr. 27, 28, July 13, 1979; William J. Carter to Graves, Maze, Healy, Sept. 6, 1979, folder BOV (Sept.–Dec. 1979), box 3, Graves Papers, 1982.59. The changing nature of the FOIA provisions left the Board Minutes increasingly sterile of discussions, voting, and the general decision-making process.
  177. Anne Dobie Peebles interview with author, Mar. 4, 1992; Flat Hat, Oct. 26, 1979; W&M News, Feb. 28, 1984.
  178. Faculty Athletic Committee report, Nov. 24, 1971, folder Athletics (1970–71), box 1, Executive Vice-President's Office Files. A few months later, the dean of the faculty of arts and sciences, Harold Fowler, lamented that the president and the Board determined athletic policy and that the faculty had no control over it, in FAS Minutes, May 9, 1972. Rector Chappell to Graves, May 10, 1972, folder Chappell, box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1, echoed Graves's viewpoint: "I, too, hope that nothing precipitative is done in the area of athletic policy."
  179. FAS Minutes, May 24, 1973, Jan. 8, 1974; resolution W-8, BOV Minutes, Jan. 10, 11, 1974; Flat Hat, Dec. 13, 1973, Feb. 1, 1974. John H. Willis, Jr., chaired the special committee investigating intercollegiate and intramural sports.
  180. Report of the Special Committee to Study Athletic Policy, Nov. 5, 1974, folder Athletic Report, box 3, Graves Papers, 1979.84. An attached questionnaire revealed that students and faculty wanted to reduce expenditures for revenue sports while many alumni and the Educational Foundation favored increasing such funding. Also, FAS Minutes, Nov. 12, 1974; W&M News, Nov. 5, 1974. Representative letters from alumni, students, and faculty supporting one plan or another are in folder Men's Athletics, box 4, Graves Papers, 1979.84, and in folders Frederick Deane, Jr., and John R. L. Johnson, Jr., box 36, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  181. Graves to BOV, Nov. 21, 1974, folder Athletics—Faculty Committee, box 1, Graves Papers, 1978.1; W&M News, Nov. 26, 1974. Board member George D. Sands, interview with author, Sept. 17, 1991, reflected the majority view that Graves had advocated the right athletic policy for the College.
  182. BOV Minutes, Nov. 21, 22, 23, 1974; report to the faculties from the Admissions Policy Committee, Nov. 26, 1974, appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Dec. 3, 1974; Flat Hat, Nov. 26, 1974. Nancy K. Falck, a Board member from 1970 to 1978, recalled in her Oral History, 31–32, that athletic policy was the most controversial issue while she was on the Board.
  183. A Flat Hat editorial, Nov. 11, 1979, described how some Board members' duties overlapped with their service on the Athletic Educational Foundation or the Society of Alumni boards, producing a small cadre of avid sports fans who were able to dictate the College's athletic policy.
  184. Lawrence S. Beckhouse, chairman of the Athletic Policy Committee, to Graves, May 9, 1976, folder Athletics (1976), box 3, Graves Papers, 1979.84, conveyed the committee's recommendation that the College withdraw from the conference; and the Board of Visitors, in Minutes, June 17, 1976, concurred; Graves's report, FAS Minutes, Nov. 11, 1977; BOV Minutes, Dec. 8, 9, 10, 1977, Feb. 23, 24, 25, 1978.
  185. In April 1977, Beckhouse predicted large deficits and wanted to begin a review of the whole program, Beckhouse to Graves, Apr. 28, 1977, in enclosure 23, BOV Minutes, May 12, 13, 14, 1977. FAS Minutes, Dec. 6, 13, 1977; BOV Minutes, Dec. 8, 9, 10, 1977; W&M News, Dec. 6, 13, 1977; Flat Hat, Nov. 18, 1977.
  186. Statement of Athletic Policy, BOV Minutes, Feb. 24, 1978; W&M News, Feb. 28, 1978; Flat Hat, Oct. 27, 1978.
  187. BOV Minutes, Apr. 27, 28, 29, Oct. 27, 28, 1978, Oct. 11, 12, 1979; Flat Hat, Sept. 22, Oct. 27, Nov. 3, 1978, Oct. 25, 1980. The College hoped to find a private donor for the renovations. See folder Athletic Policy Committee, B/V, box 4, Graves Papers, 1982.59. When a donor failed to materialize, the College borrowed money from the state and relied on ticket surcharges and ever-increasing student fees to repay the loan.
  188. Suggestions for expansion had started years earlier when the chairman of the Faculty Committee on Athletics, Howard Holland, had written to Paschall (Nov. 30, 1964, folder Faculty: Miscellaneous Correspondence, box 12, Graves Papers, 1979.84), recommending more permanent seating, temporary end zone seats, a press box, and concession facilities. Paschall to Holland, Jan. 28, 1965, ibid., pointed to fiscal constraints.
  189. Raymond T. Waller to Graves, Aug. 1, 1978, folder Athletic Policy Committee, B/V, box 4, Graves Papers, 1982.59, said that the Board wanted to begin a feasibility study immediately. BOV Minutes, Oct. 27, 28, Dec. 7, 8, 9, 1978.
  190. Flat Hat, Nov. 15, 22, 26, 1974, Apr. 11, 1975, Feb. 3, 17, 24, 1978, provides a chronicle of student opposition. BOV Minutes, Apr. 6, 1976, Feb. 23, 24, 25, 1978, described group opposition from the Board of Student Affairs, the Flat Hat, the Student Association, and the new Student Committee for Fairness and Fiscal Responsibility.
  191. FAS Minutes, Dec. 6, 13, 1977; Jack D. Edwards to Graves, Dec. 7, 15, 1977, folder Athletic Policy Controversy, box 4, Dean of the FAS Papers, 1989.129; Flat Hat, Jan. 19, 26, 1979.
  192. Flat Hat, Jan. 26, 1979; correspondence in folders Cary Field Responses, box 5, Graves Papers, 1982.59.
  193. BOV Minutes, Feb. 1, 1979; W&M News, Feb. 6, 1979. There were four dissenting votes: Pamela Chinnis, William S. Hubard, Horace E. Mann, and Henry T. Tucker, Jr.
  194. W. Warner Moss interview with author, Nov. 25, 1991; Jack D. Edwards interview with author, Feb. 2, 1992.
  195. Flat Hat, Feb. 2, 9, 16, 1979. Chronology in Flat Hat supplement on Cary Field Stadium controversy, Sept. 18, 1981.
  196. James F. Root's speech to the Virginia Beach Sports Club, quoted in Flat Hat, Aug. 31, 1979. "We're going to fight them forever," he vowed. “Those people who don't think there's room for competitive, knock'em, rock-'em, kick-'em, bite-'em, bang-'em football.” William and Mary couldn't have much of a football team with a stadium with only 16,000 seats. "You don't have to have a Ph.D. to figure that out. Or, apparently, if you are a Ph.D., you cannot figure that out."
  197. Flat Hat, Apr. 6, 1979. Amos Alonzo Stagg was the football coach at the University of Chicago around the turn of the twentieth century. He believed there should be no professionalism in college football and was the first coach to gain faculty status. He coached until he was 102. See Flat Hat, Nov. 7, 1980.
  198. George F. Hughes, Jr., and Amos Alonzo Stagg Society v. Board of Visitors and Athletic Educational Foundation, (December 1979); Order for Nonsuit, Feb. 20, 1980, both in folder Amos Alonzo Stagg Society, box 13, Graves Papers, 1984.42; Graves to BOV, Nov. 12, 1979, folder BOV (Sept.–Dec. 1979), box 3, Graves Papers, 1982.59; W&M News, Mar. 11, 1980; Flat Hat, Jan. 25, Feb. 22, Mar. 14, Nov. 7, 1980, Sept. 4, Oct. 23, 1981. Local General Assembly delegate and William and Mary professor of government George W. Grayson had worked vigorously against approval of the stadium expansion, which was, he said, "at war with the academic mission of the College."
  199. Healy, Annual Report to the President, 1980–81; W&M News, Aug. 25, 1981; Flat Hat, Aug. 28, Sept. 11, 25, Oct. 30, 1981.
  200. Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1978–79.
  201. Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992.
  202. New NCAA rules for Division I-A teams required average attendance of 17,000 at home games or 20,000 at all games and a 30,000-seat stadium. William and Mary's appeal of the decision was rejected. BOV Minutes, Dec. 4, 5, 1981; resolution W-10, BOV Minutes, Feb. 19, 1982; Flat Hat, Jan. 22, 1982; W&M News, Dec. 8, 1981.
  203. W&M News, Sept. 14, 1982.
  204. Budgets in folder Athletic Association Budgets: 1967–73, box 1, Office of the Vice-President for Business Affairs Files, 1978.2. Fees at VPI were $30; at UVA, $20; at VMI, $52, in Flat Hat, Mar. 17, 1972.
  205. Budgets chart in resolution W-4, BOV Minutes, Apr. 26, 1985; W&M News, May 1, 1984.
  206. Education Amendments of 1972; Dewey E. Dodds, director, OCR, to Graves, July 3, 1974; Graves to Dodds, Aug. 5, 1974, both in folder Civil Suits, box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1; FAS Minutes, Oct. 5, 1976; Graves to David S. Tatel, director, OCR, Feb. 21, 1979, and Athletic Advisory Committee report to the Faculties, April 1979, both appended to FAS Minutes, Feb. 6, 1979; Flat Hat, Mar. 2, 1976, Feb. 16, 1979.
  207. Dudley M. Jensen interview with author, Jan. 20, 1992.
  208. BOV Minutes, Nov. 19, 20, 1971, Jan. 14, 1972, Dec. 20, 1980, Apr. 24, 25, 1981; W&M News, May 20, 1980, Jan. 13, 1981; teams listed in Financial Reports of the Athletic Associations, June 30, 1985, and Colonial Echo: 1985, 155–83. In 1972 H. Lester Hooker, Jr., who had filled the dual role of athletic director and director of William and Mary Hall, devoted his full time to the increasing demands of the second task.
  209. Flat Hat, Feb. 4, 1972, Nov. 30, 1979, Jan. 18, 1980. The College had winning seasons in 1973, 1976, and 1977. The Colonial Echo, 1972–85, passim, gives brief synopses of athletic records.
  210. Edward J. Ashnault became head basketball coach in 1972. When he resigned abruptly in the middle of the 1974 season, he was replaced by George Balanis. In 1977 Balanis left, and the next season Bruce Parkhill took over the job. His brother Barry replaced him in 1983. Flat Hat, Apr. 14, 1972, Feb.17, 1974, Jan. 31, 1975, Apr. 15, 1977, Apr. 15, 1983.
  211. Colonial Echo, 1972–79, passim. John Randolph was head track coach until 1976, then Baxter Berryville.
  212. Civil Rights Act of 1964, U.S. Statutes at Large, 88th Cong., 2d sess. Title VI forbade racial discrimination in programs receiving federal funds; Title VII called for equal employment opportunity regardless of race, religion, sex, or national origins.
  213. These various plans and guidelines for implementation as well as disputes between the state and federal governments are in folder Virginia Plan—State Council, box 16, Graves Papers, 1984.42; folder HEW, box 14, Graves Papers, 1979.84; folder State—Gov.'s Office, box 29, Graves Papers, 1979.84; folders Title VI and Title IX, box 32, Graves Papers, 1979.84; BOV Minutes, May 17, 18, 1974; David S. Tatel to Godwin, July 2, 1977; Godwin statement, July 5, 1977; Godwin to Tatel, Sept. 2, 1977; Tatel to Godwin, Dec. 23, 1977, all in folder Virginia Plan—Desegregation 1977, box 34, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Graves to BOV, in Minutes, July 22, 1977.
  214. Virginia Plan for Equal Opportunity in State-Supported Institutions of Higher Education (Revised 1978), folder Virginia Plan, box 15, Graves Papers, 1984.42.
  215. The College had admitted black undergraduates, adopted a nondiscriminatory admissions policy, hired its first black administrator, and begun an equal employment opportunity program.
  216. Annual Report of the Admissions Committee, November 1971, appendix 1, FAS Minutes, Nov. 9, 1971; Flat Hat, Oct. 15, 1971, Sept. 13, 1974; W&M News, Sept. 10, 1974. Moore left the College in 1980 and was replaced by a black; Wallace and Wilson left the next year and were replaced by whites.
  217. Graves to Healy, Nov. 16, 1971, folder Minorities, box 20, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  218. BOV Minutes, May 18, 19, Dec. 7, 1973. STEP is Student Transition Enrichment Program. W&M News, Oct. 21, 1975, Feb. 10, 1976; Flat Hat, Nov. 3, 1978, Sept. 19, 1980, Sept. 16, 1983; Leroy O. Moore to James C. Livingston, Oct. 8, 1974, folder Minorities, box 20, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  219. Narrative Assessment of the Student Recruitment Plan: College of William and Mary, Aug. 31, 1981, folder Virginia Plan, box 15, Graves Papers, 1984.42; Black Presence at William and Mary, flyer, in Subject File, Students—Minorities; report of Gary Ripple, dean of admissions, FAS Minutes, Mar. 12, 1985. The 1983 plan is in Publications File: "Student Recruitment and Retention Plan: Amendments to the Virginia Plan for Equal Opportunity in State-Supported Institutions of Higher Education, 1983."
  220. James P. Whyte, Jr., to Jeroyd X Greene, Apr. 2, 1974; Greene to Whyte, Apr. 4, 1974, both in Report of the Ad Hoc Committee of the W&M Chapter of the AAUP in the Matter of Jeroyd X Greene, Sept. 25, 1974, private collection, Williamsburg, Va.; Lowance Oral History, 24–25.
  221. Chronology in Report of the W&M Chapter of the AAUP. The newspapers picked up the story and dozens of clippings are in Subject File, Jeroyd X Greene Controversy (1974). Edward E. Willey to Whyte, May 10, 1974, quoted in the Washington Post, May 14, 1974, said that Greene was a rabble-rouser and his possible appointment "shocks and nauseates me." Board member J. Edward Zollinger, Oral History, 27, referred to the Greene matter as a "red hot controversy"; and he, like others on the Board, received dozens of letters protesting the hiring of Greene.
  222. BOV Minutes, May 17, 18, 1974. Board approval of faculty recommendations for teaching appointments was usually routine. This rejection nullified the faculty's right to choose its own members.
  223. Rolf G. Winter, chairman, FAC, to Graves, May 30, 1974; Graves to Winter, May 30, 1974, both in appendix 1, FAS Minutes, May 31, 1974; Report of the W&M Chapter of the AAUP; petition, Feb. 11, 1975, folder Law School (1975), box 5, Graves Papers, 1978.1; BOV Minutes, May 2, 3, 1975. In November 1974 Greene filed suit against Governor Godwin, Graves, and others, for conspiring to deprive him of a visiting professorship. He dropped the suit in May 1975. By that time he was in Chicago, was going by the name of Saad El Amin, and was general counsel and business manager of the Nation of Islam. Daily Press, Nov. 6, 1974, May 6, 10, 1975.
  224. Flat Hat, Nov. 12, 1976. In 1980 VCU had 2.8 percent; ODU, 2.2 percent; VPI&SU, 1.6 percent; and UVA, 1.2 percent. Percentages from Norfolk Virginian-Pilot charts and reprinted in Flat Hat, Apr.11, Sept. 12, 1980.
  225. “Faculty Recruitment Plan: Amendments to the Virginia Plan for Equal Opportunity in State-Supported Institutions of Higher Education, 1983, W&M”; Flat Hat, Dec. 4, 1981, Sept. 16, 1983; Self-Study: 1984, 73. Figures for 1985 supplied by the Affirmative Action Office.
  226. Report of the Affirmative Action Advisory Committee, July 17, 1978, folder Affirmative Action Committee, box 4, Provost's Office Files; Flat Hat, Sept. 1, 1978; Undergraduate Catalog: 1981–82, 4–6; Undergraduate Catalog: 1982–83, 4–6; Undergraduate Catalog: 1983–84, 4–7; Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 5–7.
  227. HEW report for 1972–73 showed that 22.5 percent of the country's 254,930 faculty were women, cited in Flat Hat, May 11, 1973; Cremin, Metropolitan Experience, 565, puts the figure at 25 percent. "The Status of Women at the College of William and Mary," Report of the Ad Hoc Committee on the Status of Women, May 1, 1973, in Publications File: Committees, and in folder Committee on the Status of Women, box 8, Graves Papers, 1978.1. Associate professor of physical education for women, Carol W. Sherman, was chairman of the committee.
  228. Annual Reports of the Affirmative Action Advisory Committee, 1975–84, folder Affirmative Action Committee, box 4, Provost's Office Files; numbers for women on faculty in 1985 supplied by the Affirmative Action Office.
  229. HEW report for 1972–73; "Status of Women." At the College male professors averaged $18,303; females, $16,050. Male associates earned an average of $14,141; females, $12,383.
  230. Healy to Graves, Mar. 28, 1974, folder Committee on the Status of Women, box 8, Graves Papers, 1978.1. Harold L. Fowler, dean of the FAS, Oral History, 137, saw no evidence of discrimination against female faculty.
  231. Report of the Affirmative Action Advisory Committee, June 10, 1974, folder Affirmative Action, box 1, Graves Papers, 1979.84; Flat Hat, Oct. 4, 18, 1974. The major class action suit was brought against the State Council of Higher Education and the presidents and heads of the boards of fifteen Virginia colleges, including William and Mary. Ruth Taliaferro, et al., v. State Council of Higher Education, et al., Nov. 20, 1973, sought monetary redress for all who had suffered sex discrimination in hiring, firing, promotion, or administrative regulation of college faculties and administrative offices; folder Civil Suits, box 2, Graves Papers, 1978.1; Richmond Times-Dispatch, Nov. 21, 1973. The second case involved four women faculty at William and Mary who had complained to the state Office of Equal Employment Opportunity in the summer of 1974.
  232. Report of the Affirmative Action Advisory Committee, June 10, 1975, folder Affirmative Action Committee, box 4, Provost's Office Files; W&M News, Jan. 21, 1975.
  233. Flat Hat, Mar. 17, 1978, Feb. 16, 1979.
  234. In 1981 Healy's annual summary of faculty salary distribution prepared for the AAUP showed male full professors averaging $31,510; females, $28,669. In Healy to academic deans and department heads, Nov. 23, 1981, folder Faculty Salaries (1981), box 7, Graves Papers, 1984.42. In 1984 there was a $2,155 difference in the pay of full professors, $1,769 for associates. In Healy to academic deans and department heads, Jan. 10, 1984, folder Administrative Salaries, box 4, Dean of the FAS Files, 1989.129.
  235. Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992.
  236. Figures vary, depending on whether head count, full-time, or full-time equivalent totals are used. Self-Study: 1984, 76; chart of AAUP Average Salary Data, in Faculty Data Book (1987). The Undergraduate Catalog: 1984–85, 10–32, lists 494 officers of instruction, 86 percent of whom held terminal degrees in their fields.
  237. Graves to College community, Oct. 6, 1971; Graves to deans of all schools and arts and sciences, Sept. 9, 1974, both in folder Faculty Senate of Virginia, box 13, Graves Papers, 1979.84; FAS Minutes, Dec. 3, 1974; W&M News, Dec. 10, 1974; Fowler Oral History, 103. The Self-Study; 1974, 170,484, had also recommended such an organization.
  238. Folder Harold L. Fowler, box 13, Graves Papers, 1979.84; resolution W-13, BOV Minutes, May 17, 18, 1974.
  239. Jack D. Edwards had taught in the government department since 1962, had a law degree as well as a doctorate, and was concurrently chairman of the James City County Board of Supervisors. BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, 1974, Apr. 24, 25, 1981; FAS Minutes, Apr. 9, 1974; Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1974–75.
  240. Zeddie P. Bowen had been provost and dean of the college at Beloit College in Wisconsin. BOV Minutes, Apr. 24, 25, Dec. 4, 5, 1981, July 20, 1983; FAS Minutes, May 5, 1981; Healy to FAS, July 20, 1983, folder A&S—Dean, box 2, Provost's Office Files. After he left William and Mary, Bowen became provost at the University of Richmond.
  241. Melvyn D. Schiavelli had been at the College since 1968. BOV Minutes, Feb. 24, 1984; W&M News, Feb. 28, 1984.
  242. BOV Minutes, Aug. 11, 1981; FAS Minutes, Oct. 6, 1981; Annual Report of the Committee on Graduate Studies, in FAS Minutes, Oct. 28, 1985. Student Data Book (1985) puts the figure at 271 in the fall of 1985.
  243. Thomas M. Finn had taught in the religion department since 1973. W&M News, July 17, 1984.
  244. Leland E. Traywick had been professor of business administration and director of the Bureau of Business Research since he came to William and Mary in 1967. Flat Hat, Feb. 23, 1974; Subject File, Chairs and Professorships—Chancellor Professors; folder Eminent Scholars, box 11, Graves Papers, 1979.84.
  245. BOV Minutes, Jan. 14, 1972; FAS Minutes, Dec. 14, 1971, Jan. 18, 1972.
  246. BOV Minutes, Oct. 13, 14, 15, 1977; Healy to College community, in W&M News, Dec. 6, 1977.
  247. Faculty Handbook (1982), 72–73; Self-Study: 1984, 179.
  248. BOV Minutes, Mar. 27, 1972, Apr. 23, 24, 1982. Although the Board had raised the fund to $1 million, only a few loans could be made each year and the waiting list grew to over two hundred names.
  249. Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1976–77.
  250. Faculty Handbook (1982), 65; Self-Study: 1984, 67, 203, 220; fallout from Bowen's evaluation proposal in FAS Minutes, Jan. 18, 1983, and folder A&S—General, box 2, Provost's Office Files; President's Annual Reports, passim. Flat Hat, Mar. 7, 1975, Oct. 24, 1980, described the increasing emphasis on faculty publication. Cf. Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992, in which Graves denied a publish-or-perish policy and stressed that first-rate teaching was still the prime objective.
  251. Annual Report of the Committee on Faculty Research, Oct. 14, 1971, in FAS Minutes, Nov. 9, 1971; and this committee's annual report for 1984–85, in Publications File: Faculty Research Committee Papers.
  252. Figures from Self-Study: 1984, 211–13. Federal government funds equalled $23,303,644; state and local government, $4,113,407; private corporations and foundations, $1,910,791.
  253. Ibid., 207; Edwards to FAS, Apr. 25, 1984, folder A&S—General, box 2, Provost's Office Files; W&M News, May 1, 1984.
  254. President's Annual Reports, passim.
  255. Annual reports, dean of FAS and graduate dean of A&S, 1973–74, in Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1973–74; Peter V. O'Neil (representing department chairmen of A&S) to Graves, Sept. 24, 1976; Edwards to Healy and Graves, Sept. 13, 1976, all in folder FAS (1976), box 2, Graves Papers, 1979.84; annual reports, dean of A&S and dean of students, 1980–81, in Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1980–81; Self Study: 1984, 65–66.
  256. Alvin Z. Freeman, James C. Livingston, and Helen Cam Walker were the three who had written letters to newspapers critical of stadium expansion. Graves later said that he had not meant to silence or intimidate the faculty. "Freedom of Speech Reaffirmed in Academe," Virginia Gazette, Mar. 14, 1979; Flat Hat, Mar. 16, 1979; Walker interview with author, Feb. 2, 1992. Livingston, dean of the undergraduate program, was the only administrator to air his opposition and felt that the Board had prompted Graves's action. Interview with author, Mar. 19, 1992.
  257. Healy, Annual Report to the President: 1979–80; W&M News, Sept. 8, 1981, Sept. 14, 1982; Peebles interview with author, Mar. 4, 1992.
  258. President's Annual Report: 1974–75; Healy, Annual Reports to the President, passim; Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991; Flat Hat, Sept. 29, 1978.
  259. BOV Minutes, Oct. 27, 28, 1978; John R. L. Johnson, rector of BOV, Oral History, 23; Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991; Flat Hat, Nov. 9, 1979. The second peer group was for institutions which annually granted thirty doctoral degrees and received $5 million in federal funds.
  260. In 1972 Graves sought an exemption to a state hiring freeze to employ three new law professors. At that time the law school's salaries ranked 141 out of 145 ABA accredited law schools, so the Board approved raising law school tuition to increase salaries. Minutes, May 5, 6, 1972. In 1974 the Board authorized raises of more than 20 percent for law faculty. Minutes, Sept. 27, 28, 1974.
  261. Dean Edwards had begun questioning the necessity of the growing bureaucracy as early as 1975 and cryptically commented that maybe the College had been previously underadministered. Edwards to Graves, June 10, 1975, folder FAS (1975), box 2, Graves Papers, 1979.84. Edwards to Healy, Feb. 3, 1975, folder Faculty Salaries (1970–77), box 13, Graves Papers, 1979.84, pointed out the salary inequities between arts and sciences and the professional schools.
  262. Healy, Annual Report to the President 1975–76; William J. Carter to Graves, June 16, 1977, folder Faculty Salaries (1970–77), box 13, Graves Papers, 1979.84, said that the College would have to get the governor's permission for this practice. Graves to Healy, Mar. 21, 1979, had secured this approval; Graves to George V. Strong, Apr. 23, 1979, justified using private funds because of the heavy workloads of many administrators, both in folder Faculty Salaries (1979), box 7, Graves Papers, 1982.59. Healy, memo, [1981], folder Faculty Salaries (1981), box 7, Graves Papers, 1984.42, described how the College used unrestricted private funds to pay about thirty faculty an additional $8,000 to $10,000 a year.
  263. FAS Minutes, Mar. 2, 1982. In December 1982 Graves explained to the faculty how $355,000 in private funds were allocated. In Minutes, Dec. 7, 1982.
  264. OIR, AAUP Average Salary Data, 1985, in Faculty Data Book (1987).
  265. In 1982–83 the College ranked at the bottom of the list of its twenty-five national peer group universities and of twelve selective colleges, and near the bottom of Virginia colleges—far behind UVA, VPI&SU, ODU, VCU, Richmond, George Mason, and Washington and Lee. Charts in Report to the Faculty by the Board of Faculty Compensation, Oct. 26, 1983, and in folder Administrative Salaries, box 4, Dean of FAS Files, 1989.129.
  266. Because of a recession, Governor Charles S. Robb had called for, and the General Assembly enacted, $20 million in cuts in education, including a freeze on faculty and other state employees' salaries. Flat Hat, Jan. 21, 1983; W&M News, Mar. 29, 1983; BOV Minutes, Apr. 23, 1983.
  267. Healy to Bowen (confidential), Apr. 4, 1983; charts for distribution of salary increases, 1983–84, both in folder Administrative Salaries, box 4, Dean of FAS Files, 1989.129; Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992; Selby interview with author, Nov. 19, 1991.
  268. AAUP Average Salary Data by Academic Unit: 1983, in Faculty Data Book (1987).
  269. FAS Minutes, Nov. 15, 1983; Flat Hat, Nov. 18, 1983; Richmond Times-Dispatch, Nov. 16, 1983.
  270. Healy to Faculty and Administration of the College, Nov. 30, 1983, folder Healy, box 4, Quittmeyer Papers, and in folder Administrative Salaries, box 4, Dean of FAS Files, 1989.129.
  271. Graves to College Community, Nov. 29, 1983; in W&M News, Dec. 6, 1983; Flat Hat, Dec. 2, 1983. Contrary to rumors, the Board had not fired Graves, said member Peebles in an interview with author, Mar. 4, 1992. The resignation was "well-timed," though.
  272. FAS Minutes, Dec. 6, 1983. The faculty also discussed a possible "Petition to the Friends of William and Mary" but did not act. Draft of the petition in folder A&S—Dean, box 2, Provost's Office Files.
  273. BOV Minutes, Apr. 27, 1984; FAS Minutes, Mar. 13, 1984, Mar. 12, 1985; Flat Hat, Mar. 16, 1984.
  274. AAUP Average Salary Data by Academic Unit: 1985, in Faculty Data Book (1987).
  275. BOV Minutes, Mar. 30–31, 1984; W&M News, Apr.10, 1984; Flat Hat, Apr.13, 1984.
  276. FAS Minutes, Dec. 4, 1984; BOV Minutes, Dec. 7, 8, 20, 1984. W&M News, Nov. 7, 1984.
  277. Healy interview with author, Dec. 5, 1991. Healy left no report of his months as acting president.
  278. Brubacher and Rudy, Higher Education in Transition, 404; Graves's remarks at opening convocation, in Flat Hat, Sept. 14, 1971; Graves to BOV, Sept. 13, 1979, folder BOV (Sept.–Dec. 1979), box 3, Graves Papers, 1982.59.
  279. Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992.
  280. Levine, Undergraduate Curriculum, 372.
  281. Brubacher and Rudy, Higher Education in Transition, 306.
  282. Graves interview with author, Feb. 5, 1992.
  283. Kauffman, At the Pleasure of the Board, 7–12, describes the changing role of the college president from the end of World War II through the 1970s; Jack Edwards interview with author, Feb. 2, 1992.
  284. Kauffman, At the Pleasure of the Board, 52–55, 109, covers trustee-presidential relations.
  285. Graves's presentation to the State Council of Higher Education, May 5, 1982, quoted in W&M News, May 11, 1982.
  286. Inaugural Address. Fisher, Tack, and Wheeler, Effective President, described the characteristics of effective leaders. Judged by their criteria (69–71), Graves demonstrated such leadership qualities as working hard, not relying on consensus, advocating merit pay, and supporting creative subordinates. In personal traits (ibid., 81–84, 88–90), he valued higher education, respected others, hired good people, was intelligent, warm, and self-controlled, and rarely flaunted his power. Less positively (ibid., 73–77), Graves lacked a broad educational vision, strived for popularity, hesitated on decision making, and faltered in communications. In personal values (ibid., 85–86, 96), he was not action-oriented—he was reactive rather than proactive—and lacked determination in sticking by his own decisions.
  287. Astin, Educational Excellence, ix, noted that few users of the term actually defined it. He argued (pp. xiii, 60–61) that an "excellent institution" favorably affected both students and faculty in developing their intellectual and scholarly talents to the maximum. By this criterion; Graves was more successful with students than with faculty. Graves's difficulties with definitions appeared in other areas. He had "ideal visions of undergraduate liberal education," recalled one administrator, but was unable to articulate them. Livingston interview with author, Mar. 19, 1992.
  288. Folder Thomas Ashley Graves, Jr., Award (1985–87), box 9, Provost's Office Files.

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