5. Research Design

5.6. How Do I Write a Research Proposal?

Victor Tan Chen; Gabriela León-Pérez; Julie Honnold; and Volkan Aytar

Learning Objectives

  1. Identify which research designs may be useful for answering your specific research question.
  2. Identify the aspects of feasibility that shape a researcher’s ability to conduct research.

In the last chapter, we discussed what the stages in research design might look like:

  1. Develop an initial research question—what is called a working research question, given that it is a work in progress (Chapter 4: Research Questions)
  2. Decide on an overall research strategy—whether your analytical approach will be inductive or deductive, what the target population is, and so on. (Chapter 4: Research Questions)
  3. Conduct a literature review to identify a gap in the existing body of research (a research problem) and refine your research question (Chapter 5: Research Design)
  4. Decide on a method of data collection and analysis (Chapter 5: Research Design and the chapters devoted to each method)
  5. Propose hypotheses based on your literature review (Chapter 5: Research Design)
  6. Decide on your sampling strategy (Chapter 6: Sampling)
  7. Define key concepts and measures—what is called conceptualization and operationalization, respectively (Chapter 7: Measuring the Social World)
  8. Identify and address any ethical concerns about your proposed study (Chapter 8: Ethics).

As we noted, decisions about research design do not necessarily occur in sequential order. For example, you might have to think about potential ethical concerns before zeroing in on a specific research question or sample, since such considerations will limit whom or what you can study. Similarly, your method of data collection might hinge on what population of interest you want to generalize about—or vice versa. As you design your research project, you’ll be constantly moving back and forth between steps on the list below. Sometimes researchers even jump ahead to data collection and analysis, and then circle back to refine their research question. Although not ideal, this approach sometimes makes practical sense. Maybe you’re using an existing dataset and need to know what concepts are adequately operationalized within it before you decide on what to study. Or maybe you need to talk to some people before you can identify and read up on the underlying variables driving a particular relationship that your research question examines.

All that said, a good literature review sets you up nicely for choosing among possible methods of data collection and analysis. You know what sorts of research have already been done on your topic, and you have identified a compelling research problem. Now you need to decide on a methodological approach to answer your research question and address your research problem. We will learn more about the following methods in the remainder of this textbook:

  1. Ethnographic observation
  2. In-depth interviews and focus groups
  3. Experiments
  4. Surveys
  5. Historical analysis
  6. Content analysis
  7. Social network analysis

So many different research designs exist in the social scientific literature that it would be impossible to include them all in this textbook. We cover the most popular methodological approaches in sociology, which we hope will give you a foundation for understanding more advanced designs as well. We encourage you to learn about other methods and more specialized study designs not reviewed in this textbook, which will expand your toolkit for conducting solid research.

In this section, we’ll discuss how to write a research proposal, which is a plan for the design of your study. The first consideration is to decide on a general methodological approach.

Choosing a General Methodological Approach

The rest of this textbook is devoted to describing specific research methods, so we will have much more to say about each approach and its advantages and disadvantages. At this point, we want to make some general comments about choosing between qualitative and quantitative methods. As we have noted, the distinction between qualitative and quantitative research methods boils down to the kind of data we sociologists collect and analyze. Quantitative research employs numeric data, such as scores and metrics. Qualitative research relies mostly on nonnumeric data, such as quotations from interviews and details from visual observations. As a result, qualitative research is not well-suited to be analyzed with statistical procedures. Sometimes, qualitative data is tabulated quantitatively—based on how frequently certain codes come up, for example. Many qualitative researchers reject this coding approach, however, as a futile effort to seek consensus or objectivity in a research approach that is essentially subjective.

The strength of qualitative methods, as we’ve emphasized, is in the richness of its data—the fact that stories and meanings are not collapsed into numbers but captured in all their complexity and detail. This thick description creates a sound empirical foundation for theorizing about how causal mechanisms operate and how people understand their social realities. The most frequently used qualitative research method is in-depth interviews (face-to-face, phone, or online, conducted with individuals or focus groups). A second technique is ethnographic observation. Observational techniques include bystander observation, where the researcher is a neutral and passive external observer, and participant observation, where the researcher is an active participant in the phenomenon and their input or mere presence may influence the phenomenon being studied. When qualitative researchers talk about being “in the field,” they’re talking about using one or both of these approaches to be out in the real world and involved in the everyday lives of the people they are studying. A third qualitative technique is qualitative content analysis of documents (books, emails, annual reports, financial statements, news articles, websites, etc.) or media (videos, movies, songs, etc.), which does not have to occur in the field.

In sociology, quantitative research is usually conducted using surveys. Typically, a researcher creates a quantitative dataset by asking people to answer multiple-choice survey questions and then counting their responses. (Alternatively, the researcher analyzes an existing dataset based on someone else’s survey.) Using scientific sampling procedures, sociologists can be confident that the subset of people they interviewed more or less represents the population they want to know about. That means the results of the survey—the percentage of people who had a certain political opinion, for instance—can be generalized to that larger population. Furthermore, because of the ways that quantitative measures simplify reality—boiling down wide-ranging opinions on a particular policy to several response categories, for instance—surveys allow people’s responses to be easily compared across groups, time periods, and the like. They also allow for the strength of relationships between variables to be calculated: for instance, how much a person’s gender affects how much money they make doing the same job, or how much being born in a certain part of the country affects a person’s happiness and health. Quantitative content analysis and social network analysis apply similar approaches to other forms of data (text and media for the former, and network data for the latter), tallying up phenomena in ways that can ideally say something meaningful about larger populations. (Our textbook does not currently cover social network analysis, but you can get a sense of what this methodological approach covers in the sidebar Mapping the Social World.)

While less common in sociology than in sister fields like psychology, experiments trade some generalizability for greater confidence about causality. By having control and experimental groups that are exactly the same except for the presence of a stimulus or treatment, experiments allow researchers to infer more directly that a change in one variable leads to a change in another. They can also quantify the size of that effect—in this case, with more certainty that it is causal.

For all these reasons, quantitative methods add more precision and universality to our understanding of a phenomenon than qualitative methods are capable of. At the same time, the quantification of data inevitably strips away nuance and complexity, possibly flattening meanings and oversimplifying relationships. To avoid the pitfalls of each approach, a mixed-methods research design uses qualitative and quantitative techniques jointly within a single study, with the hope that multiple methods can complement and compensate for one another.

So what sort of research design should you pursue for your study? Ideally, your research design is determined by your research question. If your research question involves, for example, testing a new policy intervention, you will likely want to use a deductive experimental design. If you want to know the lived experience of people in a public housing building, you probably want to use inductive qualitative methods like in-depth interviews and ethnographic observation. In other words, you should pursue a research design that gives you the best chance of arriving at a compelling answer to your research question. We’ll talk more about which research methods are best at answering which research questions in later chapters.

As a researcher, you have to choose a research design that not only makes sense for answering your research question but also is feasible to complete with the skills and resources you have. For one thing, the design of your research study determines what you and your research participants will do. In an experiment, for example, the researcher will introduce a stimulus or treatment to participants and measure their responses. A content analysis may not have participants at all, and the researcher may simply be reviewing organizational materials or news media to understand cultures and attitudes. Your personal preferences and talents working with data and other people will naturally lead you to pursue certain methods of research.

All research projects also require resources to accomplish. Make sure your design is one you can carry out with the time, money, and assistance available to you. For instance, are you interested in better understanding the day-to-day experiences of maximum-security prisoners? This sounds fascinating, but unless you plan to commit a crime that lands you in a maximum-security prison (generally not a wise choice even for an ambitious researcher), gaining access to that facility would be difficult. Perhaps your interest is in the inner workings of toddler peer groups. If you’re much older than four or five, however, it might be tough for you to access that sort of group. Your ideal research topic might require you to live on a chartered sailboat in the Bahamas for a few years, but unless you have unlimited funding, it will be difficult to make even that happen. While the topics about which research questions can be asked may seem limitless, there are limits to which aspects of topics we can study and how we can study them.

One of the most important questions in feasibility is whether or not you have access to the people you want to study. For example, let’s say you wanted to better understand students who engaged in self-harm behaviors in middle school. That is a topic of social importance, to be sure. But if you were a principal in charge of a middle school, would you want the parents to hear in the news about students engaging in self-harm at your school? Building a working relationship with the principal and the school administration will be a complicated task, but it will be necessary to gain access to the population you need to study. As we discussed in Chapter 2: Using Sociology in Everyday Life, research must often satisfy multiple stakeholders—that is, individuals or groups who have an interest in the outcome of the study. Your goal of answering your research question can be realized only when you account for the goals of the other stakeholders. School administrators also want to help their students who are struggling with self-harm, so they may support your research project. But they may also need to avoid scandal and panic, providing support to students without making the problem worse.

Assuming you can gain approval to conduct research with the population that most interests you, do you know if that population will let you in? Researchers like Barrie Thorne (1993), who study the behaviors of children, sometimes face this dilemma. In the course of her work, Thorne has studied how children teach each other gender norms. She also studied how adults “gender” children, but we’ll focus on just the former aspect of her work. Thorne had to figure out how to study the interactions of elementary school children when they probably would not accept her as one of their own. They were also unlikely to be able to read and complete a written questionnaire. Since she could not join them or ask them to read and write on a written questionnaire, Thorne’s solution was to watch the children. Although this seems like a reasonable solution to the problem of not being able to actually enroll in elementary school herself, there is always the possibility that Thorne’s observations differed from what they might have been had she been able to actually join a class. What this means is that a researcher’s identity, in this case Thorne’s age, might limit (or enhance) her ability to study a topic in the way that she most wishes to study it.

In addition to personal characteristics, there are also the very practical matters of time and money that shape what you are able to study or how you are able to study it. In terms of time, your personal time frame for conducting research may be the semesters during which you are taking your methods courses or working on a thesis. Future employers will give you specific deadlines for completing research tasks. Those timelines will shape the sort of research you are able to conduct. Surveys can be completed in minutes online, but recruiting a representative sample for that survey might entail much more work. Immersive qualitative work—such as embedding yourself in an organization—can take months or years. Money, as always, is also relevant. Obtaining commercial datasets can be expensive, and finding participants willing to sit for long in-depth interviews often requires you to pay them.

Mapping the Social World: A Q&A with Jennifer A. Johnson

Headshot of Jennifer JohnsonAn expert in social network analysis (often abbreviated as SNA), Jennifer A. Johnson is a professor of sociology at Virginia Tech and the chair of its Department of Sociology. She received her PhD in sociology from the University of Virginia and later joined the faculty of Virginia Commonwealth University’s Department of Sociology, which she chaired as well. Johnson also worked for the Department of Defense (DoD) as a social science analyst, receiving a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Distinguished Civilian Service Award in 2006. Her current work analyzes the relationship between pornography consumption and sexual health and victimization among early adolescents. In another line of research, funded with a National Science Foundation ADVANCE-IT grant, Johnson and her colleagues are using SNA to explore how intersectional identities affect outcomes for women within STEM and non-STEM academic departments. In previous work, she used SNA to map how the pornography industry markets itself and connects with users. Her work has appeared in the International Journal of Media and Cultural Politics, Journal of Women’s Health, Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy, and Archives of Sexual Behavior.

What first drew you into sociology, and how did you decide to become a professional sociologist?

I arrived at Radford University in the 1980s as an accounting major. However, I didn’t do so well in business calculus, and that let me know that maybe accounting was not for me. Then I took this class called Sex Roles. We would now call this class the Sociology of Sex and Gender. It really transformed the way I saw the world. I had feelings about myself, my parents’ divorce, and my place in the world that I couldn’t articulate. And that class helped me put into words all the experiences that I’d had up to that time as a young woman. It gave me the language to understand myself and the world around me in ways that deeply resonated with me.

I got my bachelor’s degree, master’s degree, and finally my PhD in sociology. All the while, I continued to do the same kind of core scholarship, which was to understand gender and its impact on women’s lives—as a system of marginalization, oppression, and control, but also empowerment and emancipation.

How did you first come to use social network analysis in your research?

After I got my master’s degree, I did a lot of community college teaching for about 10 years, but wanted to try my hand at some kind of professional practice. I landed a position with the Department of Defense at the Joint Warfare Analysis Center as a social science researcher. Social network analysis was the methodology they were using to track terrorist networks. When I went into the DoD, I had no specific knowledge of social network analysis or terrorism. What I did have was a social scientific approach to the practice of research, data collection, and analysis. I also had skill in the presentation of social science research because of my teaching background.

What are some of the ways you have used social network analysis in your professional career?

At the DoD, I used it to map, measure, and develop interdiction strategies for terrorist networks across the world. But I realized after several years that I missed teaching. I missed students. And I did not particularly like to work in an environment that was so heavy on hierarchy, very male-oriented, very masculine in its language and practices.

I obtained a position as an assistant professor at Virginia Commonwealth University, where I also served as a faculty representative for Students for Social Action. This student group invited Gail Dines to come and talk about her research on the pornography industry. At that presentation, she mentioned that we really didn’t have an understanding of how mainstream businesses connected to businesses involved in the pornography industry. I realized that that would be a perfect research project for me. I could study gender systems of oppression and marginalization with my newly acquired skills.

Since then, I have used the concepts and methods of social network analysis to understand the business—the political economy—of the online pornography industry. And it’s led me into many different areas. For example, I was involved in developing the digital sociology concentration in the sociology master’s program at VCU, which was grounded in the appreciation my research had given me for digital economies. I’m now working to understand the impact of these economies on adolescent sexual health. I just gave a presentation to the Israeli government on the ways in which digital economies capture adolescent sexual development at the early stages and then go on to influence later stages—particularly for their primary targets, young heterosexual men. I’m also funded by a grant from Gail Dines’s organization to study child-on-child sexual abuse. All the work I’m doing now stems from that connection I developed between social network analysis and digital economies.

What can social network analysis tell sociologists about the workings of social groups that other research methods cannot?

Well, when we talk about social relationships, social connections, social interactions, we are talking about what takes place between people. All of the ways in which people relate and connect to one another are about exchange: ideas, gifts, love, touch, working together. The foundation of sociological theory is the social construction of reality through interactions between and among people. Social network analysis is the visual representation and measurement of those varieties of interactions. It’s based in matrix algebra and the idea that you have “nodes” and “edges.” Nodes are the dots on a network diagram, and edges are the lines between the nodes.

SNA can be applied to almost any type of social unit that makes exchanges. The nodes could be computers, and the computers could operate between each other. The nodes could be businesses, and businesses could share information. In my research on the digital pornography industry, the nodes were company websites, and the edges were the links that websites shared to other websites. So, while SNA depicts social interactions, and typically the nodes are thought of as people, there are all sorts of ways to apply it.

Sociologists often consider SNA both theory and method. It’s about developing a theory of how people work inside groups. How big is a group, how small is a group? How are people rewarded, how are they marginalized? What is the impact of these things on how groups function? And where are you located in the group? Are you a leader, or are you a follower? Are you at the center, or are you at the periphery? What’s the impact of your memberships in different types of groups? All these questions are theoretical questions that social network analysis seeks to map and measure. It’s really a descriptive methodology, although some advanced SNA is working toward making it predictive.

What are some opportunities for using social network analysis in the real world?

SNA is often used in organizations. I’ve used it to help nonprofits understand how they can establish better connections. Which nonprofits are more central? Which ones need better outreach? I’ve seen it used to make domestic violence response systems more effective. How do shelters work with emergency rooms or with police? You can look at how those systems work together and look at them against particular outcomes. SNA is also used in classrooms to understand how group work transpires. Teachers look at patterns of interactions among students to see if some patterns produce stronger learning outcomes than other patterns.

I’m currently using social network analysis to map out informal and formal interactions between faculty members in academic departments. The goal is to see if STEM departments work differently than social science or humanities departments, with a particular focus on issues relating to women. Are women in STEM departments centrally located or more peripheral? Do they do more work on committees? And I’m not referring just to numbers. Who’s having lunch with whom? Who’s socially marginalized, and who’s not?

I’ve also worked with a research group to use social network analysis to tie together disparate data for the Richmond Police Department. They had two groups that were beefing, and they couldn’t figure out why. They gave us a download of data, and we did a social network analysis of it that found the two groups were beefing over a girl who was a node in the network connecting these groups. Though we had no subject-matter expertise on the nature of the problem, we were able to identify this odd connection in the network.

What are some of the ways social network analysis can contribute to digital sociology?

I think that social network analysis should become a foundational methodology in digital sociology programs because so much of the digital world is about networks. Close your eyes and conceptualize what the World Wide Web looks like. It is, in fact, one large network of nodes and connections—links—between them. Standard statistical analyses often involve examination of independent variables and dependent variables. But traditional social science variables, such as the race, class, and gender of individuals, cannot easily be collected when you are looking at data produced on web networks, which is termed “native data.” Researchers have to start thinking differently about how to deal with such large amounts of native data without the presence of easily identified social categories attached to individuals.

We need theoretical and methodological development in this area. We know that students are interested in thinking critically about the impact of social media beyond how many hours you spend on social media, and whether you are depressed or not. There is a whole social world that is built through how social media platforms relate not just to their users, but also to each other. And a lot of it is hidden in the ways in which websites talk to one another, and the ways in which businesses are owned. All these things—which are the dominant forces shaping our world today—need to be studied.

What do you think are some of the challenges to the future use of social network analysis in sociology?

I think the biggest challenge is to ramp up the social network analysis skills of sociologists. I know that there’s lots of interest, but there aren’t many people who are well-trained in it. Some of that might be because of the need for more sophisticated computers. In network data, each data point is really three points of data—two nodes and a link between them. Social network analysis can scale up to encompass very large networks, but you need computers able to process that data.

Also, there’s a need to build stronger bridges with computer scientists, mathematicians, and media specialists. Oftentimes sociologists think about their interdisciplinary colleagues as naturally being located in the humanities or other social sciences. But in digital sociology, you need an understanding of how code works. You need an understanding of how websites are built and connected to one another. You need an understanding of how to collect, or “scrape,” that data. SNA datasets are different from, say, a General Social Survey dataset or others with columns of data containing variables that you can easily pull and extract. For SNA, you might have 50 columns that all have to stay aligned with one another, and that requires knowing how to manipulate data, how to manage very complicated but interrelated datasets, and how to scale up computer processes. It’s the idea of thinking about how websites interact, and how websites are built with the intention of relating to particular audiences—in other words, the political economy of websites.

How do you recommend students learn more about how to do social network analysis?

There are actually lots of online training options. Search engines will find SNA analysis tools, web-based courses, and AI tools. For example, ICPSR has basic orientations for SNA.[1] NodeXL is a very easy SNA add-in for Excel. And many universities subscribe to learning services, such as Lynda or LinkedIn Learning, which have modules on social network analysis. The trick is in picking the software—it’s like choosing between [statistical analysis programs like] SPSS or SAS. There are a variety of programs available, some of which are free, and you pick the one you like. In SNA, obtaining estimates is a relatively simple methodology to understand once you have the data in the correct format. The challenge is in the data collection—basically, measuring the number of people you’re connected to and where you’re located in the patterns of those interactions.

I am really excited by the potential for digital sociology and social network analysis, the methodology most applicable to studying the web. Young sociologists are at the cusp of a new revolution in the discipline. It’s very similar to how I was in the 1980s with the sociology of sex and gender. I needed language to help me understand what I was feeling. Students need a language today to understand how they’re interacting with the world. And to me, sociology is the field where they should find it. It is in the best place to marry the critical analysis and advanced methods needed to understand digital society.

Writing the Sections of a Research Proposal

Once you have decided on a general methodological approach that is appropriate and feasible, you will want to start describing your planned study in a research proposal. Think of your research proposal as a literature review plus sections devoted to methods, hypotheses, and limitations. We have already described what goes into the literature review, but note that your review of past studies also allows you to generate hypotheses regarding what results your research is likely to uncover. The proposal’s methods section, in turn, will describe in depth the procedures you will use to answer your question. A proposal often concludes with a discussion of possible implications and limitations of the proposed research. In other words, the research proposal is basically a draft version of your final empirical paper—minus the all-important results section, and including a preliminary discussion of implications that you are certain to revise in the final paper. We will cover each of these sections in your proposal.

Introduction. As we noted earlier, the introduction to your research proposal looks the same as an introduction for a stand-alone literature review. However, in both the abstract and the parts of introduction that summarize the proposed study, you will have more details to provide. We recommend the following structure for this summary:

Past studies have failed to examine [research problem]. Using [methods/data], this proposed study examines [research question]. The findings of this study are expected to be [hypotheses], meaning that we need to rethink [implications].

Literature review. The literature review follows the proposal’s introduction, and looks exactly as we described in Section 5.1.

Methods. The methods section is a plan for what exactly you will do in your study. The more specific it is, the better. Of course, at this planning stage, many of the decisions you make will be somewhat arbitrary. For instance, you may not know exactly how many people you will be able to recruit for the in-depth interviews or surveys you want to do. It may be hard even to guess how large a sample is reasonable. Nevertheless, put down some numbers, however preliminary. Those details can always change as you talk through the project with other people and figure out what is feasible.

Let’s break down what goes into the methods section of your proposal. (Although some of the terms we mention might be unfamiliar to you at this stage, when you return to these guidelines after reading the following chapters, they will be much clearer!) Overall, this section of the proposal should provide a thorough discussion of the methods, data, and measures you will use to test your hypotheses, generate theory, and otherwise conduct your research. Justify your choice of methodological techniques, sampling procedures, interview and survey questions, and so on, referring to any strengths and weaknesses in the methods you plan to use, given what your research problem and research question are. There are always shortcomings or compromises involved with any proposed sampling procedure, operationalization of a theoretical concept, or other methodological choice, so you should have plenty of things to discuss in this section.

For all studies, you should discuss the proposed target population, sample size, time frame of data collection, sampling techniques, and process for recruiting any respondents. You should also review the key measures that you are focusing on, describing exactly how the underlying concepts of interest were or will be operationalized in terms of actual question wording and other specifics. Finally, discuss your analysis strategy (e.g., what statistical procedures will be used, or how qualitative data will be coded). For a proposed survey study, make sure to provide substantial detail about how the survey was or will be fielded, discussing how representative the sample is of the population of interest (including any weighting or other adjustments) and identifying the dataset and sponsoring organization (if using a secondary dataset). In a subsection called “Measures,” discuss the department variables and then independent variables.

For a proposed qualitative study, include a subsection called “Case Selection” in which you elaborate on the purposive sampling strategy used in choosing sites and types of respondents during data collection. Discuss the specific inclusion and exclusion criteria for your sample, and be specific about the process for recruiting interviewees or gaining access to sites. For studies based on in-depth interviews or surveys, you should create a full interview guide or survey questionnaire to accompany your proposal, in addition to describing your key variables in the methods section or measures subsection in as much detail as possible.

Hypotheses. For quantitative studies in particular, you will want to include hypotheses—likely answers to your research question—in your proposal, which typically follow the methods section (but can also appear in the literature review, usually at its end). For qualitative studies, sometimes the hypotheses are merely implied, and if they are mentioned, they may not be identified as “hypotheses” per se—just listed as expectations in the literature review or elsewhere.

A study’s hypotheses should be derived from the scientific literature or based on logic. After you decide on the study’s overall methodology and conduct a literature review, you should be able to apply what you know from the literature to the sample or context you’re studying, specifying what results you expect your research to uncover.

As scientists, we test hypotheses using data. This process is called inference. We infer—conclude based on evidence—whether or not a hypothesis is valid. When the data don’t support our hypothesis, it is rejected—or falsified. As we discussed in earlier chapters, your hypotheses must be falsifiable—that is, you must be able to confirm or disconfirm them with data obtained from your target population.

Hypotheses can be strong—in that they propose a specific and causal relationship—or they can be weak—in that they just say the two variables are (somehow) associated. Causal inference—testing whether changes in one variable truly cause changes in another variable—is a heavier lift than just testing whether the two variables are correlated. Consider these different hypotheses:

Weak: Children’s family incomes are related to their later educational attainment. (This tells us nothing about the direction of the hypothesis—whether the relationship is positive or negative—or its causality—whether greater family income actually causes higher educational attainment.)

Stronger: Children’s family incomes are positively related to their later educational attainment. (This hypothesis indicates the directionality but not the causality of the relationship.)

Strongest: Children’s family incomes have positive effects on their later educational attainment. (This hypothesis specifies both the directionality and the causality—that greater family income causes higher educational attainment.)

Scientists typically want to test strong hypotheses because they want to know the directionality and causality of a particular relationship. That said, sometimes the data available won’t allow you to test those aspects of a relationship; as we’ll discuss in Chapter 12: Experiments, certain research designs are better at evaluating whether a relationship is truly causal. Regardless of whether our hypotheses are weak or strong, however, they should clearly specify independent and dependent variables. In the hypothesis, “children’s family incomes have positive effects on their later educational attainment,” it is clear that income is the independent variable (the “cause”) and educational attainment is the dependent variable (the “effect”). It is also clear that this hypothesis can be evaluated as either true (if higher family income raises later educational attainment) or false (if higher family income has no effect on, or lowers, later educational attainment).

Note that hypotheses can be simply described within the literature review or provided in a separate section. Sometimes, they are listed formally as hypothesis 1, hypothesis 2, and so on. You should follow the lead of similar studies found in your literature review, given that different fields and subfields have different norms for presenting hypotheses.

Conclusion and limitations. There isn’t much to say in the conclusion to your research proposal, since you haven’t yet conducted your study. Thus, this section will necessarily be short. That said, you should be able to broadly discuss the possible implications of your study for research, theory, practice, or policy, giving particular attention to how your study connects to the existing literature. You should circle back to the research problem that you argued for at the end of your literature review or in a separate “Statement of the Problem” section, making the case for how your study will resolve that problem. If the limitations of your study were not fully discussed in the methods section, you should point them out, given the relevant methodological and theoretical approach.

Key Takeaways

  1. The research design you choose should follow from the research question you ask.
  2. Feasibility is always a factor when deciding what, where, when, and how to conduct research. Aspects of your own identity may play a role in determining what you can and cannot investigate, as will the availability of resources, such as time and money.

  1. ICPSR is the Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research. The organization often offers summer courses in SNA.
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5.6. How Do I Write a Research Proposal? Copyright © by Victor Tan Chen; Gabriela León-Pérez; Julie Honnold; and Volkan Aytar is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License, except where otherwise noted.

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